
Class _X 
Book 

CoEyriglit'N? 



COPnUOHT DEPOSIT. 



INTER-AMERICAN 
ACQUAINTANCES 

BY 

CHARLES LYON CHANDLER 

CURATOR OF LATIN-AMERICAN HISTORY AND 
LITERATURE OF THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
LIBRARY; FORMERLY A STUDENT AT THE UNI 
VERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN MARCOS DE LIMA & 
THE UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE BUENOS AIRES 



SECOND EDITION 
EXTENDED 




THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

OF SEWANEE TENNESSEE 

MCMXVII 



Copyright 19 17 
By Charles Lyon Chandler 



m -H 1918 Jl 

©Gi.A492835 [^ 

A^-0 / 



TO 

HIS EXCELLENCY 

DR. ROMULO S. NAON 

FIRST AMBASSADOR FROM 
ARGENTINA TO THE UNITED 
STATES OF AMERICA, THIS 
BOOK IS DEDICATED AS A 
SLIGHT RECOGNITION OF 
HIS PATRIOTISM IN PUBLIC 
SERVICE 






PREFACE 



THIS little book makes no claim to completeness ; 
its preparation by the author in the few spare 
moments of his life as a railway employe may perhaps 
excuse any fault of historical diction or exhaustiveness. 
It is intended to be suggestive rather than directly 
instructive, — to stimulate perhaps a few of those now 
engaged in studying South American history in its 
various phases in our colleges and universities to 
elaborate its material into historical or economic 
studies of permanent value. It aims to furnish proofs 
for the two following statements : — 

(i) That the moral and material aid and example 
of the United States were a factor in the Latin- 
American wars for independence; 

(2) That 'during that time, as well as previously, 
much was spoken and written by both North and 
South Americans which forecasted the Pan-American 
movement, embodying the fundamental ideas on which 
the Pan-American Union is based. 

The author wishes to state his gratitude to Professor 
A. C. Coolidge, of Harvard University; to Professor 
James Bardin, of the University of Virginia; and to 
Professor Beverly W. Bond, of the University of 

[V] 



PREFACE 

Indiana, who have furnished helpful suggestions after 
reading the proof The authorities of the Library of 
Congress at Washington and of the New York Public 
Library have been most helpful, as well as those at 
the Public Library of Charleston, S. C. To the Misses 
Poor, of Brookline, Mass., the author's debt of personal 
gratitude is so great that their thoughtfulness in placing 
their rich stores of Latin-American information at his 
disposal is but a fresh evidence of the loving care of 
the kindest of aunts, who first inspired the author with 
a love for the Spanish and Portuguese languages. 

The many historical works published by Latin- 
American scholars have been a constant inspiration to 
the author in his work ; the happy memory of Agustin 
Alvarez, of Argentina, and the keen inspiration of 
Anibal Maurtuaand Luis Antonio Eguiguren, of Peru, 
to mention but a few of many, have been fresh in- 
centives in the study of the development of Inter- 
American Acquaintances. To Henry L. Janes, Esq., 
formerly of the United States Diplomatic Service and 
now meeting with well-deserved success in other hues 
at Montevideo, the author renews his appreciation for 
several constructive hints in the preparation of this 
little book. C. L. C. 

South American Agency of the 
Southern Railway and Allied Lines, 
Chattanooga, Tennessee, 
July 24th, 191 7. 

[vi] 



CONTENTS 



I. Beginning of Pan-American Relations ... i 

II. Citizens of the United States of America who 
took part in the Latin-American War of 
Independence, 1810-26 114 

III. The Wilkes Exploring Expedition in Brazil, 

Argentina, Chile and Peru in 1838-39 . 139 

IV. The Pan-Americanism of Henry Clay . . .149 

V. The Pan-American Origin of the Monroe 

Do6lrine j5j 

VI. Diversions in Euscaran : A Study in Persist- 
ently Influential Heredity lyo 

Epitome of Dates, 1807-26 179 



INTER-AMERICAN 
ACQUAINTANCES 



CHAPTER I 
Beginning of Pan-American Relations 

IN the year 1 648 Governor Peter Stuyvesant of the 
Dutch colony of New Amsterdam, now New York, 
obtained permission from his home government of 
Holland for his colony to trade with Brazil, — a trade 
which has never since been interrupted. In 1698 
the learned Boston divine, Cotton Mather, notes in 
his diary that he is studying Spanish, and that he has 
prepared a religious book in Spanish for distribution 
in Spanish America. In 1 748 Scott, Pringle & Scott, 
of Madeira, writing to John and WiUiam Brown, 
Benjamin Gerrish, Jr., and Samuel Curwin, of Salem, 
advise them that Madeira had been licensed to ex- 
port ''fish and other foreign provisions to Brazil, 
which in course will open a larger and more ben- 
eficial commerce between this and your colony." 
Five years before this, in 1743, the sloop "Recruit," 
belonging to Henry Taggart, of Newport, Rhode 
Island, traded to Surinam. In 1774 Captains David 
Smith and Gamaliel Collins, of Truro, Massachusetts, 
made the first cruise from the United States to the 

[I] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Falkland Islands, and in the next year Capt Uriah 
Bunker returned to his native Nantucket from a voy- 
age to the Brazil banks. These men were whalers, 
and it was to such as they that Edmund Burke 
alluded when he spoke as follows in the British Par- 
liament on March 22nd, 1775: ''Falkland Island, 
which seemed too remote and romantic an object for 
the grasp of national ambition, is but a stage and 
resting place in the progress of their victorious in- 
dustry. Whilst some of them draw the line and strike 
the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the 
longitude and pursue their gigantic game along the 
coast of Brazil." It is almost more than a coincidence 
that Capt. Uriah Bunker returned to Nantucket on 
April 19th, 1775, the day of the battles of Lexington 
and of Concord. One hundred years later the Em- 
peror of Brazil sailed from that country on an April 
morning for the United States to aid in celebrating 
the centenary of their independence. 

These whalers began to attract some international 
attention. On the thirteenth of October, 1778, the 
American commissioners in France, Benjamin Frank- 
Hn and John Adams, wrote to Monsieur de Sartine: — 

The English last year carried on a very valu- 
able whale fishery off the cost of Brazil and off the 

River Plate They have this year about 

seventeen vessels in this fishery, which have all 
sailed in the months of September and October. 
All the officers and almost all the men belonging 
to these seventeen vessels are Americans from 

[2] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Cape Cod and Nantucket in Massachusetts, ex- 
' cepting two or three from Rhode Island and per- 
haps one from Long Island. 

A list of twenty American captains of British 
whalers, sixteen of whom were from Nantucket, as 
obtained from the officers of three of the whalers that 
had been captured by French cruisers, was added to 
the communication. Adams and Franklin proposed 
sending an American frigate to destroy this whaling 
fleet ; but nothing was ever done. In the next year, 
on September 13th, 1779, John Adams wrote to the 
same effect regarding these American-manned vessels 
in the River Plate whale fishery to the council of 
Massachusetts Bay, adding that all the officers and 
men were Americans. 

Let us turn to the other portion of Latin America 
for a moment. In 1 767 permission had been granted 
to the English colonies in North America to export 
rice to the Spanish colonies ; — and it should be re- 
membered in this connection that one quarter of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence of the 
United States of America, the first of its kind in the 
New World, were merchants or shipowners. Many of 
them doubtless knew or had heard of the latent wealth 
and growing iuportance of the Americas to the south- 
ward. One of the signers was lost at sea during the 
Revolution on a voyage to the West Indies. 

Neither was the west coast of South America igno- 
rant of the United States. In the year 1775 we find 

[3] ' 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

the famous Peruvian savant, Cosme Bueno, referring 
to a work on smallpox published in Boston in 1720, 
probably written by Dr. Zabdiel Boylston, and first 
printed in English by Benjamin Franklin's brother 
James. The Peruvian scholar, Luis Antonio Egui- 
guren, who has studied the history of his country so 
carefully and minutely, informs me of another link in 
the chain. They had great doings in Peru when Amat 
y Junient was Viceroy; and once some learned poet 
of Lima, so Eguiguren tells me, stated that the uni- 
versity ceremonies to please the Viceroy were no such 
great extravagance after all, for did they not do things 
on a far more elaborate scale in the English colonies 
in North America? Now this can only refer to the 
"Pietas et Gratulatio," published by Harvard College 
in sonorous Latin in 1762, when George the Third 
had been crowned King of England. For this is the 
only occasion in our early college life commemorating a 
royal event to which the Viceroy's apologist could 
have referred. 

Even before the Treaty of Versailles (September 
3, 1783) had been signed, establishing by international 
agreement the independence of the first of the New 
World Republics to gain its freedom, Aranda, the 
Prime Minister of Spain, addressed the King, Charles 
III, in a Memorial (1783) as follows: — 

The independence of the English colonies has 
just been recognized, and this is food for thought 
and fear, in my opinion. This Federal Republic 

[4] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

has been born a pigmy, so to speak, and has 
needed the aid of States as powerful as Spain and 
France to attain her independence. The time will 
come when she will be a giant, and even a colossus, 
much to be feared in those vast regions. Then 
she will forget the benefits that she received from 
both powers and will only think of aggrandizing 
.herself. Her first step will be to get possession 
of the Floridas to dominate the Gulf of Mexico. 
These fears are, Sire, only too well founded and 
will be realized within a few years if other more 
disastrous events do not previously occur in our 
Americas. A wise policy admonishes us to fore- 
stall these threatening evils 

Aranda further proposes, as a means of avoiding 
the loss of the Spanish colonies, that Spain should with- 
draw from all except Cuba and Puerto Rico, and that 
three kingdoms should be created, united to that 
of Spain, the King of Spain to take the title of 
Emperor over all his dominions, — a curious fore- 
runner of the modern "Imperial Federation System" 
of Great Britain. 

It will be readily seen, therefore, that the influence 
and example of the United States of America on the 
Spanish colonies of that continent was feared by the 
Prime Minister of Spain twenty-seven years before the 
Spanish-American War of Independence broke out in 
i8io. Clearer proof could scarcely be needed of the 
early influence of the United States of America on the 
destinies of that part of the continent which was then 
under the Spanish Crown. 

[5] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

On May 25th, 1783, Juan Manuel de Cagigal 
(1739-1811), then Lieutenant-General of the island of 
Cuba for his most Catholic Majesty Charles the Third 
of Spain and the Indies, addressed the following letter 
to George Washington : — 

Most Excellent Sir : 

The present circumstances have not permitted 
me, as the war is over and I am returning to 
Spain, to visit those famous countries and to have 
the honor of knowing the Fabius of these times as 
I had intended. Will your Excellency allow me 
to do so by means of this letter, placing myself at 
your orders and at the same time commending to 
you my aide-de-camp, Lieutenant-Colonel Fran- 
cisco de Miranda, who has just sailed for Phiadel- 
phia for that very purpose ; his character, education 
and other qualities have always particularly at- 
tracted me, and I hope that they will likewise gain 
for him your appreciation and esteem, for which I 
shall be extremely grateful. 

I am a constant admirer of your Excellency's 
heroic virtues, and I shall, therefore, have a par- 
ticular pleasure in serving you ; pray command me 
at your will. May Our Lord guard your noble 
life many years and keep your glorious deeds 
immortal. 

This Francisco de Miranda was an enthusiastically 
consistent Pan-American from the day that he was 
born in luxury at Caracas to the night when he died 
in a sHmy dungeon at Cadiz. On pursuing his cor- 
respondence one is struck with the constant repetition 

[6] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

of the phrase, "Nuestras Americas" — Our Americas — 
expecially when he is planning concerted action with 
those countries distant from his native Venezuela, as 
Argentina and Chile. The differences in language 
were no barrier to his broad ideas and ideals; he urged 
and longed for the cooperation of Brazil and Haiti in 
his far-seeing plans. Miranda's Pan-American educa- 
tion may be considered as partly responsible for all 
this. He told President Ezra Stiles, of Yale, that he 
studied law a year or more at a college in the City of 
Mexico after his education in Venezuela, and he at- 
tended lectures at Yale University in July, 1784. So 
far as can be ascertained he was the first South Amer- 
ican to study at a university in the United States of 
America. It is to be greatly hoped that, with the 
praiseworthy attention which is now being bestowed 
at Yale on Latin American matters, that a Francisco 
de Miranda scholarship for travel and study in Latin 
America may be opened in the near future at that 
university. 

Professor Robertson has so clearly detailed for us 
in his excellent biographical monograph on Miranda 
the salient facts of that great patriot's career that it 
only remains to be stated here that he met, talked 
with and was inspired by George Washington; and 
that, while in the United States from the spring of 
1783 to December, 1784, he seemed to have been 
more or less friendly with Hamilton, Franklin, Dick- 
inson, Greene, Moultrie, Thomas Paine, Samuel 

[71 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Adams, Livingston (who afterwards bought Louisiana 
from France for the United States of America), Duer, 
Baron Steuben, Governor Bowdoin, Izard, and William 
Floyd. We shall come back to Miranda later. 

It must have been about 1785, that Charles Brock- 
den Brown, the first American author, sketched the 
plans of several epics, on the discovery of America 
and the conquests of Peru and Mexico. No vestige 
of them now remains. 

In 1785 we find the following in the Political 
Herald and Review of London in an article on South 
America: "The flame which was kindled in North 
America, as was foreseen, has made its way into the 
American dominions of Spain. The example of 
North America is the great subject of discourse and 
the grand object of emulation." 

How true this was may be seen from the following 
extract from a dispatch from John Adams, then 
United States Minister to England, to John Jay, who 
was then Secretary of the Confederation of the United 
States of America for foreign affairs, from London, 
dated May 28th, 1786: — 

An agent from South America was not long 
since arrested at Rouen in France, and has not 
since been heard of Another agent, who was his 
associate, as I have been told, is here and has 
applied to Government for aid. Government, not 
in a condition to go to war with Spain, declines to 
have anything to do with the business 

You are probably better informed than I can 

[8] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

pretend to be of the disturbances which took place 
* in the Spanish provinces of South America, during 
the late war, of the pacification of them, and of the 
complaints and discontent which now prevails. It 
is a fixed opinion in many minds here, that a 
revolution in South America would be agreeable 
to the United States, and. it is depended on that 
we shall do nothing to prevent it, if we do not 
exert ourselves to promote it 

Diego de Gardoqui, then Spanish Minister to the 
United States, reported to the Marquis de Sonora on 
February ist, 1786, that various United States vessels 
had gone fishing to the Falkland Islands in 1784, and 
that many more had proceeded thither in 1785 ; and 
he did not doubt that they would form an establish- 
ment on those Islands.^ 

Not six months later an incident occurred which 
we shall describe in the words of one of the greatest 
of early Pan -Americans, Thomas Jefferson, who was 
then United States Minister to France. He wrote 
to Secretary Jay from Marseilles on May 4th, 1787, 
as follows: — 

My journey in this part of the country has pro- 
cured me information which I will take the liberty 
of communicating to Congress. In October last I 
received a letter dated MontpeUier, October 2, 
1786, announcing to me that the writer was a 
foreigner who had a matter of very great conse- 
quence to communicate to me and desired I would 



"^La Nacion^ Centenary Volume, 191 6, p. 702. 

[9] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

indicate the channel through which it might pass 
safely. I did so. I received, soon after, a letter in 
the following words, omitting all formal parts : — 
"I am a Brazilian, and you know that my un- 
happy country groans under a most dreadful 
slavery, which becomes more intolerable since the 
era of your glorious independence — the barbarous 
Portuguese sparing nothing to make us unhappy 
for fear that we should follow your steps. And 
as we know that these usurpers against the laws of 
nature and humanity have no other thoughts than 
of coercing us, we are determined to follow the 
striking example which you have given us; and- 
consequently to break our chains and bring to life 
liberty, which is now dead and oppressed by 
physical force, which is the only power Europeans 
have over America. But as Spain will not fail to 
join Portugal, it is necessary that a nation should 
join us, and notwithstanding the advantages we 
have for defence, we cannot do it, or at least it 
would not be prudent for us to run any hazard, 
without being sure of success. Your nation, Sir, 
is, we think, that which should most suitably assist 
us, because it is she that has given us the example; 
and also because nature has made us inhabitants 
of the same continent, and has consequently con- 
stituted us, in some sort, countrymen. We are 
ready, on our part, to furnish all the funds that 
may be necessary, and show, at all times, our 
gratitude towards our benefactors. This is the 
substance of my intention and it is to fulfill this 
commission that I am now in France, as I could 
not do it in America without exciting some sus- 
picions. It is for you to judge if they can be 

[10] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

realized, and in case you should wish to consult 
your nation on the subject, I am enabled to give 
you all the information that you may think 
necessary." 

I have the honor to be, etc., 

Thos. Jefferson. 
Montpellier, 21 Nov., 1786. 

In this year, 1787, there was published a two- 
volume work at Madrid, entitled ''Diccionario Geo- 
grafico Historico de las Indias Occidentales o Ameri- 
ca," written by a captain of the Royal Spanish Guards 
named Antonio de Alcedo y Bexarano, which was 
destined to enjoy a considerable circulation and in- 
fluence in the Spanish-American colonies. The ac- 
counts of the United States of America in this book 
are complete and unusually accurate ; it is a minute 
gazetteer of North as well as South America. In Vol. 
II, pages 104, 105, we read a long account of the 
Revolutionary War of the United States of America, 
the exhortation of 1774 to the inhabitants of Boston 
being printed in full. The beginning of Alcedo' s 
account of the events in Boston is worth quoting, in 
translation : **The severity of the British Parliament 
against Boston should make all the American prov- 
inces tremble; there now remains no other choice 
for them but imprisonment, fire, and the horrors of 
death or the yoke of a low and servile obedience; the 
time of an important revolution had arrived." One 
of the most interesting evidences of the influence of 
this geographical and historical dictionary of America 

[II] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

was its use by those who promoted the Uruguayan 
Revolution of 1813, with particular reference to the 
famous "instructions" of that year. 

On December 15th, 1787, Thomas Jefferson, who 
was still representing the United States of America at 
Paris, wrote as follows to William Carmichael, who 
was representing that country at Madrid : — 

I have been told that the cutting thro' the 
Isthmus of Panama, which the world has so often 
wished and supposed practicable, has at times 
been thought of by the Government of Spain, and 
that they once proceeded so far as to have a 
survey and examination made of the ground ; but 
that the result was either impracticability or too 
great difficulty. Probably the Count de Campo- 
manes or Don UUoa can give you information on 
this head. I should be exceedingly pleased to 
get as minute details as possible on it, and even 
copies of the survey, reports, etc., if they could be 
obtained at a moderate expense. I take the lib- 
erty of asking your assistance in this. 

A year before this, on November 13th, 1786, Jeffer- 
son had written to a member of the Academy of 
Sciences of France on this subject. 

It is an extremely curious historical coincidence 
that three months before Jefferson wrote the foregoing 
dispatch, the *' Columbia" and *'Lady Washington" 
sailed, in September, 1787, from Boston for the west 
coast of South America, being the first United States 
vessels to go to that part of the world. They stopped 

[12] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

at the island of Juan Fernandez, which the *' Colum- 
bia" left on June 3rd, 1788, on account of the 
Spanish Royal Order of November 25th, 1692, which 
forbade foreign ships to navigate the South Seas with- 
out permission of Spain. It is not generally known 
that this, one of the most striking instances of a claim 
to exclusive navigation of a part of the open ocean," 
was not modified until October 28th, 1790, when by 
the Nootka Sound Treaty of that date it was modified 
only as regarded England, this being the first express 
renunciation of Spain's ancient claim to exclusive 
sovereignty on the American shores of the Pacific 
Ocean and South Seas ; it marked the beginning of 
the collapse of the Spanish colonial system. Three 
years later, in 1792, United States ships came to the 
Lobos Islands off the coast of Peru, and from that 
day to this the Stars and Stripes have played their 
part in the development of the Pacific coast of the 
Americas. It may be noted in this connection that 
as a matter of strict law, until the last Spanish posses- 
sion on the Pacific coast, the fortress at Callao, sur- 
rendered on January 29th, 1826, less than a hundred 
years ago, these exclusive Spanish claims to maritime 
supremacy remained in force. 

Spain had taken formal possession of Nootka Sound 
on March 14th, 1789,— a significant date in American 
history, for it aroused, even though in a measure 
indirectly, by the controversy and diplomatic corre- 
spondence that ensued between England and Spain, 

[^3] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

profound interest in the United States of America in 
the affairs of Spain and her colonies in the New 
World. From the beginning of the republic we had 
no more vital question of foreign affairs than that with 
this same country, and there are few problems which 
have more constantly engaged the attention of those 
charged with the foreign relations of the United States 
of America from 1789 to the present day than these 
Spanish American ones. 

There is another point about this Nootka Sound 
settlement which deserves attention. Spain itself is 
situated between the 35 th and 45th parallels of lati- 
tude, and by far the greater part of immigrants from 
Spain to America came from between the 38th and 
45th of these parallels. Now there was almost no 
Spanish settlement ever made during colonial times 
south of the 40th parallel of south latitude, and South 
America between the 30th and 40th parallels was very 
thinly settled until about 1 850. Nootka Sound was 
almost the only Spanish settlement in North America 
that had the climate, or lay in or above the latitudes 
of the northern half of Spain. Therefore the Spaniards 
settled very rarely where the climatic conditions were 
the same as those in the mother country. Conse- 
quently we find the customary effects taking place 
among Spaniards situated in countries far hotter than 
those in which they and their ancestors had lived ; and 
the only Spanish colonies in which Spain was not even 
able to land an expeditionary force to reconquer them 

[14] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

were those situated in a cool climate and temperate 
zone. These climatic influences have a profound 
bearing on the entire Latin-American revolutionary 
period with which we are about to deal ; and it is not 
strange that in a city of the elevation and vigorous 
cHmate of Bogota, we meet with the next striking 
instance of Pan-Americanism. 

We should not, however, pass by an extract from 
a letter written in 1791 by the Jesuit father, Juan 
Pablo Vizcardo y Guzman, a native of Arequipa in 
Peru, which reads as follows : — 

The valor with which the English colonies of 
America have fought for their Hberty, which they 
gloriously enjoy, covers our indolence with shame; 
we have yielded to them the palm with which they 
have been the first to crown the New World by 
their sovereign independence. 

It was also in 1791 that Thomas Jefferson, then 
Secretary of State of the United States of America, 
instructed David Humphreys, then U. S. Minister to 
Portugal, to "procure for us all the information pos- 
sible as to the strength, riches, resources, lights and 
disposition of Brazil." 

We do not know how early in life the Colombian 
patriot, Antonio Narifio, began to read about the 
United States; but, to judge from the proceedings of 
his trial in 1794 for seditious practices, he had been 
for some time previously, to quote the words of 
Enrique Unana and Bermando Cifuentes in their 

[15] 



INTER-AMERICA'N ACQUAINTANCES 

testimony of July 25th of that year, "working in ac- 
cordance with the constitution of Philadelphia." In 
Narino's defence at this trial he refers to the laws and 
constitutions of the United States of America, and 
exclaims, "Oh Fatherland of the Franklins, of the 
Washingtons, of the Hancocks, and of the Adamses, 
who is not glad that they lived both for themselves 
and for us!" He alludes to our "Neighbors of the 
North," an expression he may possibly have drawn 
from his translation in 1792 of Thomas Paine's 
"Rights of Man," which he circulated in Colombia in 
that year. Among Narino's books were a summary 
of the revolution of the United States of America, a 
compilation of the fundamental laws of that country, 
both in French, — the latter dedicated to Benjamin 
Franklin, — the Freeholder's monitor, and a Spanish- 
English dictionary in two volumes. He also had a 
portrait of Benjamin Franklin in his house as early as 
1793. That Narino's ideas were not confined to 
himself alone is shown in the charge against Doctor 
Luis de Raiux, a Frenchman, who was also tried in 
1794 in Colombia, that in April, 1793, in the house of 
Juan Dionisio Gamba, he persuaded those present 
with the utmost energy that it was time to throw off 
the yoke of despotism and form an independent repub- 
lic on the model of that of Philadelphia. That city 
was then the capital of the only American republic. 

So fearful were the Spanish authorities becoming of 
the spread of the influence of the United States of 

[16] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

America in their American possessions that a Royal 
Order of May i8th, 1791, was issued forbidding the 
circulation of any kind of medals in the Indies which 
alluded to freedom of the Anglo-American colonies. 
It appears that this order had especial reference to cer- 
tain medals struck to commemorate the independence 
of the United States, with the word **Libertad Amer- 
icana" (American Liberty) engraved on them. 

Let us return for a moment to Miranda. In 1795 
commissioners from Mexico met him in Paris and 
held what was the prototype of all succeeding Pan- 
American congresses. As a result of their confer- 
ence a remarkable paper was submitted to the British 
government advocating the cooperation of Great 
Britian and the United States in a movement to free 
Latin America. The ninth and tenth articles of this 
document relate to the project of an alliance between 
Latin America and the United States, breathing the 
spirit of mutual interest and aspirations out of which 
grew the Pan-American Union. It was doubtless 
alarm at such concerted movements, as the foregoing 
incident would indicate, that the Viceroy in Peru, Don 
Ambrosio O'Higgins, issued a decree in April, 1796, 
prohibiting the introduction into Peru of foreign news- 
papers, among which are more definitely specified 
Enghsh, French, and those of the United States of 
America, the decree declaring that those who re- 
ceived and read such periodicals shall be treated as 
disturbers of the public peace. A month before this 

[17] 
3 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Miranda had written as follows to General Henry- 
Knox, the first Secretary of War of the United States 
of America: — 

I take the pen only to tell you that I live and 
that my sentiments for our dear Colombia, as well 
as for all my friends in that part of the world, have 
not changed in the least. 

Before passing on to Miranda's Pan-American writ- 
ings of the year 1 794, we must not forget to mention 
that on the ninteenth of August, 1 797, Antonio Narino 
declared to the Viceroy of New Granada that he had 
negotiated with one P. Conlon, of 64 North Front 
Street, Philadelphia, regarding buying arms there for 
the patriots. Thus Philadelphia continued to be the 
source of material aid as well as that of political inspi- 
ration in the New World. On February 17th, 1797, 
Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State of the United 
States of America, wrote as follows in an instruction 
to John Quincy Adams, who had been recently ap- 
pointed United States Minister to Portugal, of which 
Brazil was then a colony: — 

Col. Humphreys [the first United States Minis- 
ter to Portugal] was desired to gain, if practicable, 
some certain information of Brazil, although the 
usual policy of European nations, and partieularly 
of Spain and Portugal, tends to the exclusion of 
foreign vessels from their American Colonies, yet 
so far as they depend on the United States for 
supplies of the articles most necessary to the 
planters and other inhabitants, either for goods for 

[18] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

building, or for the exportation of their produce, 
a direct trade with us would evidently be most 
beneficial to them as well as to us. Spain, for 
instance, excludes our vessels unless furnished with 
licenses from her public agents here ; the conse- 
quence is, that the colonists pay nearly two prices 
for their flour. At other times our flour is carried 
to Cadiz, and thence in Spanish vessels to the 
Colonies. In both cases the general interests of 
the colonists and of the mother country are sac- 
rificed to the emolument of a few agents and 
monopolists. 

I do not know whether anything similar exists 
in the colonial regulations of Portugal. There has 
never been, as I have heard, any intercourse be- 
tween the United States and Brazil, yet the climate 
and produce of at least a very large portion of that 
extensive country must be such as to render sup- 
plies of some species of provisions, particularly 
bread, as necessary to the inhabitants, as to those 
of the West India Islands. And hence I presume 
that those provisions, particularly flour, are trans- 
ported hither from Portugal — flour made of Amer- 
ican wheat. But we are too little acquainted with 
the trade, culture and wants of Brazil to form any 
just conclusions. The subject will warrant your 
attention. 

In February, 1798, the Jesuit priest, Juan Pablo 
Vicardo y Guzman, whom we have mentioned already, 
died in London and left with the United States Min- 
ister there, Rufus King, a remarkable paper urging 
South American independence, in which he says of 
his countrymen : — 

[19] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The recent acquisition of independence by their 
neighbors in North America has made the deepest 
impression on them. 

It was in the same year that Miranda gave the fol- 
lowing advice to Bernardo O'Higgins, afterwards Presi- 
dent of Chile, who was about to return to America : — 

On leaving England do not forget for a moment 
there is only one other country in the whole world 
outside of that land in which a word of politics 
may be spoken other than to the proved heart of 
a friend ; and that nation is the United States. 

We may wonder — for we do not know the precise 
date of the memorable interview above quoted — 
whether it occurred before or after Miranda received 
Alexander Hamilton's letter to him, of August 22nd, 
1798, which reads as follows, in part, regarding 
Miranda's efforts toward obtaining South American 
independence : — 

The sentiments I entertain with regard to 
that object have long since been in your knowl- 
edge; .... It was my wish that matters had 
been ripened for a cooperation in the course of 
this fall, on the part of this country; the winter, 
however, may mature the project and an effective 
cooperation by the United States may take place. 
In this case I will be happy, in my official station, 
to be an instrument of so good a work. 

The "official station" to which Hamilton refers was 
the position he then occupied in the United States 
army. 

[20] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

We have seen that Miranda was the first South 
American to study at a United States university, at 
Yale in 1 784. One of the many glories of Georgetown 
University is the long and distinguished list of Latin- 
Americans who have found inspiration within its halls. 
They include a president of Chile, the elder Errazuriz; 
a distinguished Peruvian cabinet minister and diplo- 
mat, Felix Cipriano Coronel Zegarra; and the list was 
begun when in 1801, just after that pioneer of Pan- 
Americanism, Thomas Jefferson, had been inaugurated 
President of the United States of America, twenty- 
three young Cubans were brought there by the good 
Bishop Claget, afterwards Bishop of Louisville, 
Kentucky. 

From the day when the United States was duly 
constituted as a nation, in 1789, it began to come in 
touch with the colonial power of Spain. Her rela- 
tions with Spain and the Spanish Empire were of 
paramount importance to the first American Repub- 
lic. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and 
the United States' foreign relations were far more im- 
portant, with reference to her very national existence, 
during the early years of her history than at a later 
date. Few realize to-day the extent and influence of 
the Spanish Colonial Empire in 1800. It was as 
large, if not larger, than it had been a hundred years 
before. Only Jamaica, BeHze, Trinidad and Santo 
Domingo had gone. Louisiana had been gained, 
and the English invasion of Porto Rico had been de- 
[21] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

cisively repulsed by Victor Hugues, a French colonial 
leader who has never received his due reward from 
historians, at the battle of Cangrejos Bay. King 
George's forces had occupied, but had not kept,' 
Havana and Manila. From Pensacola to Chiloe, 
from Montevideo to California, the word of the King 
of Spain was obeyed. Charles IH of Spain and the W 
Indies, whose statue still stands in Mexico City, had 
employed able viceroys — Bucareli in Mexico, Amat y 
Junient in Peru, and Vertiz in Buenos Aires compare 
favorably with Warren Hastings, the Earl of Moira 
and Marquis Wellesley in India, or with Decaen and 
Louis, who were Napoleon's ablest colonial govern- 
ors. Explorations and expansions of the Empire had 
taken place from many colonial centers. Malaspina 
had discovered glaciers in Alaska, which still bear his 
name. The site of Chicago was occupied for awhile 
by a Spanish force from St. Louis in 1783, when for 
a few months Spanish power extended from Lake 
Michigan to Cape Horn. Faulkner and Biedma had 
explored Patagonia, Boenechea had reached Tahiti, 
and missionary priests had camped on the shore of 
the Great Salt Lake in Utah. Spain, Portugal, Eng- 
land and the United States were the greatest Ameri- 
can powers ; and the English still looked on the West 
Indies as more preciously valuable than Canada, — 
Canada, which had been balanced against Guadeloupe 
in 1763, and which Voltaire had referred to cis a "few 
acres of snow." 

[22] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

When we realize that 58.3% of the exports of 
the United States of America in 1801 were to 
those parts of the American continent which lay 
south of her, we can see wherein her foreign in- 
terests largely lay. Of the ;^46,377,792 worth of 
merchandise exported from the United States in that 
year, 21%, or ;^9,699,732, went to the British West 
Indies; 19%, or ;^8,969,8i2, to the Spanish West In- 
dies other than Honduras or Campeche ; 15%, or 
;^ 7, 147,972, to the French West Indies; 2.2%, or 
;^ 1,049, 36 1, to the Danish West Indies, and 1.3%, or 
;^625,79i, to the Dutch West Indies. In 1800 the 
exports to ''other Spanish West Indies" had been 
almost equal to those in the subsequent year — 
^8,993,401. In 1802 the first specification occurs of 
exports to a South American territorial division — 
^1,041 worth of goods to Brazil, which increased to 
;^4,374 in 1807 and ^540,653 worth in 1809. 

The last years of the Spanish Colonial Empire in 
America were filled with the struggle between the old 
policy of commercial restrictions and the desire on 
the part of the rapidly developing commercial class 
for not merely more entensive inter-colonial relations, 
but for wider ones with the world at large. The Royal 
Order of April 20th, 1 799, prohibiting the commerce 
of the Spanish dominions to vessels from neutral parts 
was loosely obeyed, when we study the commerce 
between Philadelphia and the River Plate in that 
year. We read in the True Amencan^ a daily news^ 

[23] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

paper of Philadelphia, in its issue for October 14th, 
1799, that the three United States vessels which lay 
at Montevideo in the spring of that year were the first 
traders thither. As a matter of fact, there were more 
than three vessels at Montevideo in 1799 from the 
United States of America. The ship "John," of Phil- 
adelphia, sailed from the "River La Plata" on March 
14th, 1799, for her home port; the brig "Rose," 
Captain John Meany, which arrived at Philadelphia 
on May 29th, 1799, "in fifty-seven days from the Isle 
of Lobos, near the Falkland Islands, and sometime 
before from the Rio de la Plata," had left at Monte- 
video when she sailed thence, about April ist, 1799, 
at least three United States vessels, — the ship "Lib- 
erty," Captain Miller, of Philadelphia, which arrived 
at Philadelphia September 30th, 1799; an unnamed 
brig under Captain Cronin, of Philadelphia, and the 
ship "Diana," Captain Bunker, of Baltimore. Cap- 
tain Meany stated that all foreign vessels had been 
ordered out of the several ports by the Viceroy (of 
the Rio de la Plata) in thirty days. 

While we are discussing Philadelphia and the River 
Plate, it is interesting to note an advertisement of 
Buenos Aires hides in the Philadelphia Gazette for 
January 12th, 1801, to be sold from the ship "Con- 
necticut," at Race Street Wharf, by James Crawford 
& Co., and in the same issue "First quality Caracas 
cocoa," Cumana cotton and Santo Domingo coffee 
are advertised. 

. [24] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

"His Majesty cannot behold with indifference the 
lack of compliance and scant zeal with which his 
sovereign resolves are treated," reads a Royal Order 
of July 1 8th, 1 800, from a further perusal of which we 
learn that, among others, the Royal Order of April 
20th, 1799, above referred to, could not have been 
strictly adhered to. "The scandalous introduction of 
all kinds of foreign commerce into his Majesty's Pos- 
sessions, chiefly into those of New Spain and the prov- 
inces nearby from the United American States and 
Jamaica and Brazil, and into those of Peru and Buenos 
Aires from Rio de Janeiro, and from other colonies 
near our own," is emphasized; but the exigencies of 
commerce gradually forced aside such prohibitions. 
A confidential instruction to the Viceroy of Buenos 
Aires from the Spanish Government, dated January 
14th, 1 80 1, reads as follows, in translation : — 

Excellency : 

The imperative needs of the Monarchy, which 
is in the same calamitous circumstances as those 
from which all Europe is suffering, and the indis- 
pensable need of meeting the obligations of the 
Crown, compel us to make use with all urgency 
of all possible means to meet such obligations. 

The lack of capital existing in these dominions 
for the account of the Royal Treasury, since com- 
munication therewith is intercepted, has suggested 
to me the extraordinary means of establishing 
credit arrangements so that His Majesty may 
reestablish in his Chief Treasury, for which pur- 

[25] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

pose the King has just authorized the Treasurer- 
General to undertake such operations as he may 
deem proper, to obtain a prompt transfer of those 
sums of money to Spain, by entering into rela- 
tions with established houses in the United States, 
which will furnish the required amount in money 
or commodities, with assurance of their shipping 
the equivalent value thereof In consequence of 
this plan his Majesty has decided that your Ex- 
cellency shall place at the disposal of the Treas- 
urer-General all the things which he may need for 
the aforementioned purpose, and that in conse- 
quence thereof he permits your Excellency to 
allow their shipment, either in money or goods, 
freely, or to cause them to pass freely under your 
Excellency's orders, either in Anglo-American 
ships or under any other neutral flag, the custo- 
mary duties to be paid in accordance with the 
tariffs and orders which your Excellency has. 

"Anglo-American Ships," as will be seen from the 
above, were not by any means unknown in the Vice- 
Royalty of the Rio de la Plata. They had been in the 
South Atlantic whale trade since 1774, and on April 
5th, 1776, we find the Marquis of Sonora informing 
the Viceroy of Buenos Aires that Don Diego de Gar- 
doqui, then Spanish Minister to the United States, — 
that same Gardoqui who inspired young Belgrano, 
when in Spain, with visions of a new and broader 
freedom — and whose father's business house had 
aided the cause of United States' independence, — 
had written him under date of February ist, 1786, 

[26] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

that, though the citizens of the United States had 
sent several vessels to the Falkland Island fisheries in 
1784, even more had gone thither in 1785, and there 
was fear of their establishing warehouses or depots on 
that island — almost a parallel case to what later oc- 
curred in connection with the Newfoundland fisheries. 
It must have been one of these vessels which on its 
return from these whale fisheries sometime about the 
end of the year 1796, when George Washington was 
still President and was conjuring his fellow-citizens to 
avoid entangling foreign alliances, that a United 
States bark called in at Maldonado to inform the au- 
thorities that the establishment at Puerto Deseado — 
then the southernmost Spanish outpost in the New 
World — was lacking supplies. The governor and 
marine commandant at Montevideo reported this to 
his superior officer, the Viceroy of the Rio de la Plata, 
and asked his advice as to whether the vessels of the 
United States of America could sail the seas near the 
coasts of those provinces; but the King, through 
Godoy, the Prince of the Peace, decided in a Royal 
Order, issued on May 9th, 1797, that such coasts 
should remain unknown to every foreign power. This 
did not prevent three North American ships from sail- 
ing *'to the Havannah between March 5th, 1799, and 
May 6th, 1800, from Montevideo," with salt pro- 
visions;* nor could this have been wholly a one-sided 
trade, since the frigate ''Wilmington" arrived at Mon 

* Helms, Travels^ p. 145. 

[271 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

tevideo from Philadelphia on February 1 2th, 1 800, and 
was transferred at Montevideo to the Spanish flag. 

The seventh volume of that important source-book 
of Argentine history, entitled "Documentos para la 
Historia Argentina," which is ably edited by the dis- 
tinguished young Argentine scholar, Diego Luis 
Mohnari, contains many valuable documents which 
illustrate the history of this period. Document No. 
109 is of particular interest. It is No. 6369 of the 
collection of manuscripts in the Argentine National 
Library, and appears to be a part of some other docu- 
ments. It is entitled: "Memorandum to ascertain 
the just causes why vessels chartered by Nationals 
from the Anglo-Americans should be admitted, con- 
sidering the Orders and exchange of opinions under 
the application and terms of the Royal Circular Order 
of December 18, 1797." 

The matter in question refers to an order given 
from Buenos Aires to the House of the Indies at 
Cadiz to transfer the funds to Philadelphia, where 
credit had been opened for a certain sum. Power of 
attorney was given to Don Thomas O' Gorman, and 
he was instructed to buy goods and to enter into con- 
tracts for the acquisition or loading of vessels, the ac- 
counts to be endorsed by the Spanish consul in Phila- 
delphia. Such contracts had been duly entered into 
for apparently more than one vessel by O' Gorman. 

It appeared that the only neutral country which 
had sufficient merchant marine and conveniently sit- 

[28] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

uated harbors was the United States, and that, owing 
to the war in Europe, such a measure was essential 
in order to maintain the commerce of the Spanish- 
American colonies. These ideas are substantiated in 
the circular of January 14th, 1801 (p. 268). 

The first United States vessels to reach Buenos 
Aires were the bark "James" of Boston, Captain 
Robert Gray, and the "Superior," from Providence, 
Rhode Island, both of which arrived at Buenos Aires 
on April 18th, 1801. The "Superior" brought out 
the first definite shipment of any commodity of which 
we have any trace from the United States to Buenos 
Aires, — twelve cases of household furniture.* 

In 1 801 and 1802, when the nineteenth century 
began, eight of the thirteen maritime states -r- all we 
had then — of America were trading with almost 
every commercially developed portion of the South 
American continent. New Hampshire, Massachu- 
setts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia were sending 
vessels to Brazil, Montevideo, Buenos Aires, Chile 
and the Spanish Main, Cartagena, La Guaira and 
Porto Cabello, Pan-American commercial relations 
had begun. During the last two months of 1801 
the commerce of the United States of America 
with the American colonies of Spain, France and Por- 
tugal continued to be active. The first issue of the 



*See Telegrafo Mercantil, Buenos Aires edition of 1914, pp. 
84 and 85. 

[29] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

New York Evening Post, for November i6th, i8oi, 
advertises Demerara coffee, and in the same issue we 
read that the ship ''Merrimack," Captain Williams, 
bound from Salem, Massachusetts, to the Rio de la 
Plata, was spoken on the 30th of September, 1801, in 
longitude 37*^ 30', by Captain Rockwell, of the ship 
"Commerce," which arrived at New York on Novem- 
ber 1 6th, 1 80 1, from Hamburg, after a fifty-three- 
days' journey. 

The trade between the north coast of South Amer- 
ica and the Atlantic coast ports of the United States 
was constant. On November i8th, 1801, the brig 
"Abrogail," Captain Tuebner, arrived in New York 
from Cayenne with a cargo of rocoa, cloves and 
leather, after a fifty-three-days' voyage, consigned to 
ChampHn & Smith. In the issue of the New York 
Post for December 19th, 1801, we read that the ship 
"Edward," Captain Perry, arrived at Vineyard Haven, 
Massachusetts, on December 4th, 1801, from the 
coast of Chile. Mr. Prescott, a passenger, stated that 
there were six United States vessels at Mas-a-fuera, 
Chile, on August 9th, 1801, namely: The ship 
"Washington," Captain Cole, from< Miantonomo ; 
the ship "Swain," of Norwich; the ship "Concord," 
Captain Weyer, of Salem, Massachusetts; the schooner 
"Nancy," Captain Floyd, also of Salem; the ship 
"Perseverance," Captain Delano, of Boston, was at 
last accounts (see Marvin's book); the schooner 
"Amico," Captain Howe, of Norwich, had sailed for 

[30] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

St. Felix Island at last accounts; the ship '' ," 



Captain Brown, of Providence, was at Valparaiso, 
July 4th, 1801; the ship "Trial," Captain Coffin, of 
Nantucket, had sailed from Coquimbo, August 3rd, 
for the Leeward. 

Of the ten vessels which cleared from Philadelphia 
on December 21st, 1801, seven were bound for Latin 
America. The ship " Escolastica " was for the Rio de 
la Plata; two were for Surinam, both brigs, the 
**Tash," Captain Richards, and ''George," Captain 
Bell. The brig "Jefferson," Captain Bartlett, cleared 
for Curacoa; two others departed for Habana and one 
for Cape Francis, Hayti. The next day, December 
22nd, 1 80 1, two of the three vessels that entered at 
New York City were from the same part of the world. 
The brig "Fox" brought hides, mahogany, logwood 
and sugar from Trinidad, and the brig "Tartar" sugar, 
coffee and cotton from Port Republic, Hayti. Both 
were consigned to Isaac Roget, of New York. On 
December 28th, 1801, two vessels arrived at New 
York City from the Spanish Main — as it was still 
called in the New York newspapers — the brig 
"Thomas Pinckney," Captain McFall, with coffee, 
cotton and indigo from La Guaira, consigned to Wil- 
liam Shaw; and the ship "Young Eagle," Captain 
Steel, from Puerto Cabello, with cocoa and tobacco. 

Mr. Augustine Madan, who had been appointed 
United States Consul at La Guaira in 1800, must 
have been kept busy with these arrivals and depar- 

[31] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

tures of American vessels. When the brig *'Mary," 
Captain John O'Connor, of New York, arrived at La 
Guaira, on November 26th, 1801, she found that 
flour was selling there at ;^9.oo. United States gold, a 
barrel. On December 30th, 1801, the brig ''Sam- 
son," Captain Clapp, arrived at New York from Su- 
rinam, in thirty-seven days, with rum and molasses. 
Scarcely a single day went by without some ship 
arriving from Latin America ; nor was all this busi- 
ness confined to the Island of Manhattan. On Janu- 
ary 6th, 1802, the New York Evening Post is forced 
to confess that not a single vessel had that day en- 
tered the port of New York ; the day before, however, 
the ship "Patapsco," Captain Sims, had arrived at 
Philadelphia from Rio de Janeiro, having sailed thence 
October 30th, 1801, leaving there then the ship 
"RoUa," of Boston. A few days before the ship 
"Monticello," Captain Davy, of Philadelphia, had 
sailed from Rio de Janeiro for the Isle of France — 
then a French colony; now we call it Mauritius. On 
November 19th, 1801, the ship "Mary," Captain 
Baucher, had arrived at Philadelphia from Cayenne 
(Evening Post, November 20th, 1801), and reported 
(that same day) the schooner "Sarah," Captain Wil- 
lig, of Norfolk, Va., had sailed from Cayenne in Sep- 
tember, 1 80 1, for the Rio de la Plata. On November 
1 8th, 1 80 1, the schooner "Polly," Captain May, ar- 
rived at Boston from La Guaira, and on November 
9th, 1 801, the brig "Ann Jane," Captain Miller, ar- 

[32] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

rived at Charleston from La Guaira in sixteen days. 
Two vessels arrived at New York from Surinam on 
November 24th, 1801, the schooner "Nancy," Cap- 
tain Parker, in forty days, and the sloop "Lucy," 
Captain Hotchkiss, in thirty-eight days. Both car- 
ried molasses; the "Lucy" also had "puncheons 
of rum." 

The New York Evening Post for July ist, 1802, 
quotes from Reif's Philadelphia Gazette a "remon- 
strance drawn up and signed by the Americans at 
Buenos Aires and presented to the Governor," and 
adds that "letters by Captain Logan, from the Rio de 
la Plata, represent the situation of American citizens 
and property there, in terms the most distressing and 
humiliating." The remonstrance is dated March 26th, 
1802, a month and a half after De Forest's arrival at 
Buenos Aires on February 19th, 1802. Captain Lo- 
gan had sailed from Buenos Aires in the schooner 
"Thetis" about May 2nd, 1802 (Eveiiing Post, July 
1 6th, 1802); according to the New York Evening 
Posty for July loth, 1802, she did not arrive at Phila- 
delphia until July 9th, 1802. In the issue of the 
same paper for July 23rd, 1802, the following inter- 
esting document is printed : — 

From South America 

[Extract of a letter dated Buenos Aires, May 
5th, from the captain of an American ship (char- 
tered in this country to take freight from that 
place to Europe) to his owners in Boston.] 

[33] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The iron I brought for ballast was taken out of 
my ship by an order from this Government, and 
landed in the Custom-House, but, since that, it 
has been removed into a warehouse, where it still 
remains. I have not received pay for it yet, but 
expect to. I send you here a duplicate of a cer- 
tificate I have sent before, of the landing of the 
iron ; I also send you a copy of a memorial pre- 
sented to the Vice King here, signed by those 
Americans whose names you will see. The Me- 
morial never has been answered or noticed. I 
send you also a copy of a letter, lately sent to our 
Minister at the Court of Spain, signed by the same 
[men] whose names are to the Memorial. I know 
not whether I shall meet your approbation, but I 
could do not other than to join the others, though 
my situation in some respects is different from 
theirs. The treatment that I have unjustly experi- 
enced here from the Chiefs or Directors of Gov- 
ernment would scarcely meet your belief Exclu- 
sive of the rascally detention I have suffered, I 
have had my seamen taken from on board my ship 
by order of his Vice Majesty, and put on board 
his armed vessels to cruize upon the coast and in 
the river to capture whatever American vessels 
they fall in with ! while others of my crew have 
been enticed by Spanish officers to desert my ship 
and leave me in distress. On my making appli- 
cation to the Vice King to have those men sent 
back to their duty, he immediately issued an or- 
der for me to pay them the amount of their wages 
and to deliver their effects, which I promptly re- 
fused to do. All my petitions have been disre- 
garded by this despotic officer, who has frequently 

[34] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

threatened me with imprisonment for not paying 
the wages of the seamen. Nothing can exceed 
his antipathy of the Americans and contempt of 
the Government of the United States. 

As it has ever remained a doubt with me how 
long I shall be detained here I could do no other 
than to join with my unfortunate countrymen 
here, praying for the interference of our own 
Government. 

Various citizens of the United States of America at 
Buenos Aires had addressed a complaint to Charles 
Pinckney, the United States Minister to Spain, on 
April 22nd, 1802, concerning the difficulties which 
the local authorities were creating for them. The 
petition read as follows : — 

Sir: 

Weary of individual exertion in pursuit of that 
redress which our treatment in this country so 
loudly demands, we feel ourselves compelled to 
resort for it to the interference and influence of 
the American Government. 

It is with much satisfaction we find that you are 
the diplomatic agent of the United States, near the 
Court of Spain, and we look forward with confi- 
dence in your well-tried patriotism, for an appli- 
cation for justice from the court. 

The inclosed memorial, lately presented by us 
collectively to the Government here, will furnish 
you with a general idea of the nature of the griev- 
ance we have suffered. We must defer transmit- 
ting to you, till we have time to collect and 

[35] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

arrange them, and are able to procure the docu- 
ments necessary to substantiate their truth. In 
the meantime we conceive it of the utmost im- 
portance to the final success of our respective 
claims that the Court of Spain be prepared for 
their formal reception, and that all improper in- 
trigue on the part of the wrongdoers here may be 
defeated. 

We are the more convinced of the necessity of 
an early attention to these points, by the depar- 
ture from the Province of Don Francisco del Pino, 
the beginning of the present month, for Spain. 
He is the son of the Vice King and we have good 
reason to believe goes charged with his father to 
make representations to the Spanish Court, unjust 
in themselves and extremely hostile to us. 

The conduct of the Vice King here, indeed, 
stands in need of a special and confidential agent 
for its justification, a conduct marked by the mean 
and mercenary spirit of plunder on one hand and a 
shameful neglect or ignorance of duty on the other. 

While his Vice Majesty has his whole family on 
the alert for the discovery and seizure of some petty 
packages of contraband, he basely suffered our 
enemy of inferior force to enter this Province and 
strip the King, his master, of towns and territory. 
With regard to us, he has, if possible acted still 
more unworthily. All our petitions, whether in- 
dividual or collective, have been passed over with 
silent contempt. Hospitality and justice have 
been denied us, and our persons and our property 
have been the sport of the most wanton tyranny. 
Where he dares not oppress us by an active 
cruelty, he unfeelingly ruins us by delay, and when 

[36] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

he cannot reach us directly by his injustice, he 
aims it indirectly by the encouraging or compel- 
ling individuals to violate their contracts with us. 
The Government of Montevideo has not only 
been his able conductor, in these ungenerous and 
unjust proceedings, but has ever appeared to place 
an ambition to excelling him. 

They shall address the Government of the 
United States concerning these grievances and 
injuries ; in the meantime, we doubt not you will 
do everything in our behalf, consistent with your 
official situation. 

Mr. Titus Welles, who will have the honor to 
deliver this letter, is a gentleman well acquainted 
with the affairs of his unfortunate countrymen in 
these ports, and fully competent to answer every 
inquiry on the subject. 

To him we beg leave to refer you, and are with 
sentiment of the highest consideration and re- 
spect, Sir, your most obedient and humble servants. 
[Signed] Thomas O'Reilly, Caleb Loring, John 
Ansley, Josiah Roberts, Robert Gray, 
Moses Griffin, Daniel McPherson, John 
Grant, Josiah Gould, Daniel Olney and 
William Todd, Jr. 

On August 15th, 1802, Minister Pinckney re- 
ported to the Department of State that: — 

To these considerable claims for captures are to 
be added all our other claims arising from the ex- 
cesses of individuals contrary to the law of nations 
or the treaty [of 1795 between the United States 
and Spain], which I am informed are to an amaz- 
ing amount, particularly frdm South America. On 

[37] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

the latter subject, it was impossible for me to ob- 
tain exact accounts, but from every information I 
have received, and particularly from a gentleman 
who brought me a letter from you [this appar- 
ently refers to the Secretary of State, James Madi- 
son] and who has lately been in that country, I 
learn that the claims which our citizens have, are 
so great as to amount to a sum of not less than 
five millions of dollars, and he believes probably 
eight millions ; most of which he thinks, from a 
knowledge of their peculiar circumstances, may 
be arbitrated under this convention [which Pinck- 
ney was then negotiating with the Spanish Gov- 
ernment], the wording of which I showed him in 
confidence, in order that I might determine how 
far it was sufficiently general to include every 
case, within his knowledge, which might be said 
to be contrary to the laws of nations and the ex- 
isting treaty.* 

By the fifth clause of the ninth article of the treaty 
between the United States and Spain in 1819, by 
which Florida was finally ceded to the United States 
of America, the United States Government renounced 
to Spain : — 

All claims of citizens of the United States upon 
the Spanish Government, statements of which, so- 
liciting the interposition of the Government of the 
United States, have been presented to the Depart- 
ment of State, or to the Minister of the United 
States in Spain, since the date of the convention 
of 1802 and until the signature of the treaty. 



* Annals of Congress, Volume XII, p. 948. 

[38] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The following were the United States vessels which 
called at the River Plate ports in 1801 and 1802, so 
far as can be ascertained : — 

Name of Vessel Captain and Home Port In River Plate 

1. Alexandria Griffin, Philadelphia April 22, 1802 

2. America Swain, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

3. Antelope Rich, Boston May 20, 1802 

4. Aurora Thompson, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

5. Canton Willis, Philadelphia July 15, 1802 

6. Cumberland Mackey, Boston May 20, 1802 

7. Eliza Caleb Loving, Boston April 22, 1802 

8. Enterprise Wilcox, Connecticut May 20, 1802 

9. Fair WilHam Todd, Jr., Boston . . April 22, 1802 

10. Five Brothers . . . Breck, Boston May 20, 1802 

1 1 . H annibal Jenkins, Providence May 20, 1 802 

12. Holland , Martha's Vineyard. . .July — , 1802 

13. James Robert Gray, Boston April 18, 1801 , 

to May 20, 1802 

14. Joseph John Grant, Kennebunk April 22, 1802 

15. Louisa Moffatt, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

16. Mary Norton, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

17. Mary Ann Daniel Olney, Providence. . .May 20, 1802 

18. Mercury Parsons, Boston May 20, 1802 

19. Merrimack Williams, Boston May 20, 1802 

20. Minerva Hall, Boston May 20, 1802 

21. Molly Harding, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

22. Montezuma Isaac Isaacs, Boston April 22, 1802 

23. Olive Conklin, New York May 20, 1802 

24. Oliver Ellsworth. , New York July 15, 1802 

25. Prudence Paddock, Boston 

26. Phcenix Cottole, Boston May 20, 1802 

27. Phcenix Josiah Roberts, Boston April 22, 1802 

28. Pigou Collett, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

29. Resolution Olney, Boston May 20, 1802 

30. Rosebud Peese, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

31. Rio , . . . Stevens, Portsmouth, N. H . . May 20, 1802 

32. Rising Sun Josiah Gould, Boston April 22. 1802 

[39] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

33. Rolla Arnold, Providence May 20, 1802 

34. Rose Miller, Philadelphia May 20, 1802 

35. Ruby B. Hoey, Philadelphia July 15, 1802 

36. Sally Daniel McPherson April 22, 1802 

37. Sally Taylor, Boston May 20, 1802 

38. Success Conklin, New York May 20, 1802 

39. Sultan Cole, Boston April 20, 1802 

40. Superior , Providence April 18, 1801 

41. Thetis Logan, Philadelphia May 2, 1802 

42. Three Sisters. ., .John Ansley, Philadelphia. .April 22, 1802 

43. Washington Williamson, Philadelphia . . . Feb. 10, 1802 

44. Yankee Kilbourn, Connecticut May 20, 1802 

Thus in the year 1802 forty-four vessels from seven 
of the seventeen states which then comprised the 
United States of America — seven of the thirteen 
maritime states, to make it more effective — were trad- 
ing with Buenos Aires. Of these forty-four vessels, 
twenty-one were from Boston ; one from Cape Ann ; 
one from Kennebunk, then also in Massachusetts; 
fifteen from Philadelphia ; four from Providence ; two 
from New York ; two from Connecticut, and one from 
Portsmouth, N. H. Yet another vessel appeared to 
have arrived a little later, as we read in the issue of the 
New York Evening Post for July-I4th, 1802, a quota- 
tion from the Boston Gazette, being an ** Extract of a 
letter from an American Gentleman of Respectability 
at Buenos Aires, South America, to his friend at Bos- 
ton, dated April 17, 1802," which reads in part: — 

It is suggested that several of the American 
frigates are to be ordered to the River Plate, to 
release the shipping belonging to this country, 

[40] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

detained there by order of the Spanish Govern- 
' ment. Some of these vessels are Indiamen, which 
put in there in distress last March ; others that 
sailed from Boston and other ports in the United 
States, in consequence of contracts made with 
merchants under a guarantee of security from that 
Governmennt. 

An analysis shows that some of these vessels had 
apparantly been detained for some time at Buenos 
Aires. The "James" had arrived there from Boston 
on April i8th, 1801, and we know that De Forest on 
his arrival there on February loth, 1802, found twelve 
American ships at Montevideo and twenty at Buenos 
Aires, including the "Washington," of Philadelphia, 
On August 1st, 1 80 1, the prohibition against the 
United States' vessels coming or trading to Buenos 
Aires was repeated, reiterating the Royal Spanish pro- 
hibition of April 20th, 1799, to that effect. 

On July 28th, 1801, Alejandro Duran addressed 
a petition tcr the Royal Consulate of Buenos Aires to 
bring four or six master cutters — "Master workmen, 
Catholic Irishmen, who abound in North America" — 
from the United States to establish a tannery for all 
kinds of leather in Buenos Aires. This was approved 
by the Junta, Manuel Belgrano being then Secretary 
thereof. Duran further stated that he had 37,820 
pesos in New York, "as is stated in accompanying 
papers." In this connection the following document 
is of interest: "It is interesting to note that it was 
proposed to open a credit in Philadelphia for the Vice- 

[41] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

royalty of Buenos Aires in 1799- 1800 through Thomas 
O' Gorman, who was then in that city, and who seems 
to have actually contracted for the freighting of cer- 
tain United States merchant vessels there to relieve 
the scarcity of bottoms in the River Plate trade." * 

The Louisiana purchase of 1803 directed the atten- 
tion of the United States of America more and more 
to the Latin colonies, as they then were, of the New 
World. An Act of Congress of February 24th, 1804, 
privileged French and Spanish ships and ''those of 
their colonies'' in the ports of Louisiana for twelve 
years from the exchange of ratifications of the Lou- 
isiana treaty, — a commercial measure of freedom 
which the growing mercantile intercourse of the 
countries of the New World were no! slow to avail 
themselves of, 

On March 4th, 1805, the New York Evening Post 
printed a letter from Hamburg, dated December 4th, 
1804, which said in part: "Could a cargo of linens be 
sent out to Buenos Aires and one of hides be got in 
return, it would make a very successful voyage." The 
"Antelope," Captain Pittmam, arrived at New York 
from La Guaira on May 6th, 1805, in twenty-five 
days — a record beaten three weeks later, when the 
"Lively," Captain Van Allen, made the same voyage 
in fourteen days. On July 15th, 1805, there were 
three brigs and one schooner flying the Stars and 
Stripes at Cayenne, French Guiana. 

*"Documentos para la Historia Argentina, VII, pp. 174, 175. 

[42] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Before we begin to consider in detail the two Pan- 
American events of the year 1806 which are most 
generally remembered, it may be well to quote the 
following extract from the Introduction written by 
Samuel Latham Mitchill to De Pon's ** History of 
Venezuela," published in 1806, — which, by the way, 
was one of the first books of so comprehensive a nature 
published in the United States of America on a Latin- 
American country: — 

For the seasonableness and importance of a 
work, written with the ability manifested in every 
part of this, on the Province of South America, 
belonging to the Captain-Generalship of the Ca- 
racas, cannot fail to recommend it to the notice 
of statesmen, merchants, and the lovers of general 
knowledge. 

This is the first occasion on which we find Mitchill 
interested in Latin-American matters; an interest which 
was to lead to important consequences, as we shall 
see later. 

That such an expedition as that of Francisco de 
Miranda from New York City to Venezuela in 1806, 
to endeavor to free that country from Spain, had been 
anticipated by the world at large is shown by a re- 
markable letter from the French explorer and scien- 
tist, Peron, to Charles Decaen, the Governor of Mau- 
ritius, or the Isle of France as it was then called, of the 
twentieth Frimaire Year XII ( 1 1 th of December, 1 803 
in which he foresees an insurrection of the Spanish 

[43] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

colonies in America, and gives a somewhat detailed 
account of the probability thereof. 

On February 2nd, 1806, Miranda sailed from New 
York with his little expedition on the ship ''Leander." 
He had previously endeavored to enlist the service of 
Petion, then prominent in what is now the Dominican 
Republic, thus showing that his efforts were not con- 
fined to his native country alone. It would be inter- 
esting to know who wrote an article in the Ric/unond 
Inquirer early in the year 1806, which is quoted in 
the Federal Gazette for March 4th of that year. \ It 
stated that if Miranda was successful, that "a new con- 
federation of states might start into existence"; and 
that as its people became more free and enlightened, 
"the United States of South America, like the United 
States of the North, will represent to admiring Europe 
another republic, independent, confederated, and 
happy." The failure of Miranda's attempt to land 
near Puerto Cabello on April 27th, 1806, which led 
to its complete failure and the imprisonment in hor- 
rible dungeons of many of the young citizens of the 
United States who took part therein, including a 
grandson of President John Adams, Moses Smith, did 
not deter that intrepid leader from attempting another 
invasion of Venezuela on July 27th, on which occa- 
sion the *'Leander" was accompanied by the American 
brig "Commodore Barry." This expedition failed, 
although every effort was made to arouse the people 
of Venezuela to insurrection, and the Jesuit Vicardo 

[44] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

y Guzman's letter, to which we have alluded above, 
was distributed in that country. 

William S. Smith, the father of the young Moses 
Smith, said: "With respect to my son, he was not 
made acquainted with the plans of General Miranda; 
he went with him as a young companion, to share his 
fortunes and his fate ; he was accompanied by some of 

his friends, capable of deeds of hardihood and valour 

worthy their leader, worthy his cause." 

Some idea of the assistance rendered by the United 
States of America to these expeditions of Miranda in 
1806 may be gathered from the following translation 
of an extract from an official dispatch from the Spanish 
Government to the American legation at Madrid, 
dated June 2nd, 1 806, complaining of this assistance: — 

The arms, the munitions of war, and the re- 
bellious persons who were preparing to 

attack a part of the Dominion of the King in 
American ships, with American crews, and sailors 
on board, as well as sons and relatives of persons 
employed by the American Government, was be- 
ing arranged in New York ; the boats were insured 
in an American company. 

In the spring of 1807 the portraits of Washington 
and Miranda were found, among others, on a hand- 
kerchief of English manufacture near the place where 
Miranda had landed in Venezuela. 

It is not the purpose of this work to give a detailed 
account of the life of any of the great South American 

[45] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

leaders of the War of Independence, so we will merely 
mention that Simon Bolivar was at the impressionable 
age of twenty-three when he landed in Boston in Oc- 
tober, 1806. After visiting the battlefields of Lex- 
ington and Concord, he passed through New York, 
visited Philadelphia and spent several days in Wash- 
ington, where he probably met President Jefferson, and 
sailed from Charleston, South Carolina, some time in 
January 1807, to Venezuela by way of the West In- 
dies, after having obtained a clearer idea at first hand 
of the United States of America. 

Captain Campbell of the American schooner " Mary" 
arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, on December 
19th, 1806, after a passage of seventy-six days from 
Montevideo. When he left that port on October 3rd, 
1806, there were five United States ships there — two 
from Charleston, two from New York, and one from 
Boston. Mr. Gilbert Deblois, of Boston, arrived at 
New York on January 15th, 1807, from Montevideo, 
via Cayenne. He had left Montevideo on October 
25 th, 1806, and gave out an interesting interview in 
New York on the British invasion of Buenos Aires. 
William P. White, a native of Pittsfield, Mass., had 
come to Buenos Aires as early as 1804; and George 
Washington's Farewell Address was known there 
in 1805, less than ten years after it was delivered. 
General Belgrano tells us that it came into his hands 
in that year. In 1 808, of the seventy-nine foreigners 
who were then living in Chile, nine were citizens of the 

[46] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

United States of America, five of whom were at San- 
tiago, three at Talcuahuano, and one at Copannd. 
The Argentine historian, Bartolome Mitre, notes that 
even before United States Consul-General Poinsett 
arrived in Chile in 1812, vague notions of independ- 
ence and republicanism had been spread abroad in 
that country through business men and whalers from 
the United States of America, the whalers being called 
''Boston men," as many came thence. In 1807 An- 
drew Sterett, of Baltimore, several of whose family 
have since been prominent in Pan-Americans affairs, 
died at Lima, Peru, where he had been engaged in 
business. He was one of the earliest naval officers of 
the United States of America, which has named a 
torpedo boat destroyer after him. 

Probably the most prominent among the citizens 
of the United States of America who were then in 
Buenos Aires was David C. De Forest (1771-1825); 
he was certainly the first one to call the attention of 
his country's government to the need of its represen- 
tation in that city, which had about 45,000 inhabitants 
at that time. De Forest is characterized by the Ar- 
gentine annalist Zinny as ''that worthy American, 
whose portrait exists [1875] in the University of 
Buenos Aires, and who acquired an honorable position 
in that city, which gave him that distinction." On 
October 4th, 1807, he addressed a long letter from 
Buenos Aires to Secretary James Madison, in which 
he speaks of ships under the colors of the United 

[47] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

States of America constantly visiting Buenos Aires 
(this is corroborated by the testimony of contempo- 
raries, in Mitre's History of General Belgrano), and 
urges the appointment of a commercial agent or con- 
sul of the United States of America at that place, 
which addition he presumed would be ** highly pleas- 
ing to the inhabitants, and sufficiently countenanced 
by this government to answer all the purposes for 
which he would be admitted, although the laws would 
not allow of his being formally admitted." The refer- 
ence is to the Spanish law of April 24th, 1807, pro- 
hibiting the residence of foreign consuls in the Spanish 
colonial dominions of America. The "Reconquista," 
or reconquest of Buenos Aires from the English by 
the inhabitants of that city and their army under 
Liniers, had occurred just three months before De 
Forest's letter, on July 5th, 1807. William P. White, 
the citizen of the United States of America to whom 
we have recently alluded, was appointed by General 
Whitelocke as commissary, or agent for the British 
prisoners remaining in the River Plate country. 

The New York Evening Post for Monday, February 
17th, 1806, notes that the United States brig ^*Ann 
and Frances," Captain King, had just arrived from 
the River Plate in eighty-six days, and the issue for 
November 17th, 1806, states that the United States 
schooner **Sophrona," Captain Warren, had cleared 
that day for Buenos Aires from New York City. In 
the meantime the ship ''Hanover" arrived from the 

[48] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

coast of Patagonia with a cargo of elephant oil at New 
Bedford, Massachuseets, on May i8th, 1806. In 
Gore's Liverpool, England, Advertiser for September 
25th, 1806, the United States brig ** Albion," Captain 
Littlefield, is advertised to sail for the River Plate, 
and three other United States merchant vessels — the 
''Intrepid," Captain Trumbull; the ''Lady Carleton," 
Captain Ritchie; and the "Lancaster," Captain Grif- 
fin — were about to sail from Liverpool for Buenos 
Aires. On October 4th, 1806, Captain Stephens ar- 
rived in Boston direct from San Sebastian, Brazil, and 
reported that Sir Home Popham had arrived at Mon- 
tevideo. On November 13th, 1806, the ship "Ben- 
gal," Captain Koven, cleared from New York to 
Buenos Aires ; it belonged to the New York firm of 
Low & Wallace. The New York Evening Post for 
November 7th, 1807, reprints General Whitelock's 
order of July loth, 1807, at Buenos Aires, and from 
later issues of the same paper we learn that on No- 
vember 8th, 1807, the United States brig "Pallas" 
arrived at Boston from the River Plate. She had left 
Montevideo on August 14th, 1807. David C. De 
Forest was there then. He had arrived at Buenos 
Aires on February lOth, 1802, coming overland from 
Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. There were then twelve 
American ships at Montevideo and twenty at Buenos 
Aires. On November 9th, 1807, the United States 
ship "Arrow," Captain Fletcher, of Newburyport, ar- 
rived at Boston, Massachusetts, from Montevideo, 

[49] 
5 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

having left that city on the previous September 8th. 
She carried a valuable cargo of the productions of 
South America. On November 25th, 1807, the 
United States ship "Palmyra," whose captain was 
named Whitney, arrived at Charleston, South Caro- 
Hna, from Montevideo, after a voyage of seventy-three 
days. The United States ship *• Olive Branch," of 
Boston, had arrived at Montevideo two days before 
the "Palmyra" sailed from that port, and the United 
States brig "Union," Captain Hussey, of Nantucket, 
had sailed from Montevideo for the Rio Negro on the 
coast of Patagonia (presumably for whaling for "ele- 
phant oil," as the "Hanover," of New Bedford, had 
done the year previous), shortly before the "Palmyra" 
had left the River Plate. The "Palmyra" had also 
left five United States merchant vessels at Montevideo, 
namely the brig "Eliza Carey" from Providence, 
Rhode Island, which was about to sail for Botany 
Bay; the ship "Olive Branch," previously mentioned, 
whose captain was named King; the ship "Print," 
Captain Dixey, which was all ready to sail for Boston ; 
and a ship commanded by Captain Tibbetts, of Wis- 
casset (now in Maine, then in Massachusetts), which 
was detained by a Spanish privateer in the Rio de la 
Plata. The schooner "Sophronia," Captain Warren, 
of New York, as well as a Philadelphia ship, had 
shortly before sailed for home, intending to stop on 
the Brazil coast; we have seen above that she had 
left New York for Buenos Aires on November 17th, 

[501 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

1806. The ship ** George and Mary," of Newport 
News, Virginia, had sailed on August 13th, 1807, 
from Buenos Aires to London. 

Thus in the year 1 807 there were merchant vessels 
from five of the thirteen maritime states that then 
constituted the United States of America — Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania and 
Virginia — doing business in the River Plate countries; 
and there was also traffic with a sixth state. South 
Carolina, to which several vessels returned from River 
Plate ports ; so we can say that half the maritime and 
a third of the total number of the United States of 
America in 1 807 had some interest in the River Plate 
trade. Even the evacuating British squadron, on 
their way back to England from Buenos Aires, fell in 
with the United States brig ''Sally," Captain Barry, 
bound from Barcelona to Philadelphia. So that one 
hundred and ten years ago, the Stars and Stripes 
was not an unfamiliar sight in the River Plate — while 
Liniers was at the height of his power, three years 
before the first step toward Argentine independence 
had been initiated. In fact, at least one citizen of 
the United States seems to have had direct relations 
with Liniers; for the "Palmyra" reported she left De 
Forest in Montevideo, he having obtained "liberty 
from General Liniers to attend to one or two suits of 
law that were pending," as the contemporary reporter 
of the New York Evening Post phrased it. De Forest 
was by no means the only one of his countrymen to 

[51] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

remain in Montevideo; Messrs. Blodget and Childs, 
of Baltimore, continued there under the privilege 
granted to them by the court of Spain, though Mr. 
Wykman, of New York, had taken passage on an 
English ship for Surinam. The "Palmyra" brought 
back to Charleston a large quantity of English goods, 
with which the River Plate market had been glutted 
after the British occupation of Buenos Aires and 
Montevideo. 

In the year 1808 the Englishman W. Burke wrote 
that the United States would emancipate South 
America if England or France did not, or if the South 
Americans did not do it by their own efforts ; and in 
the same year President Thomas Jefferson wrote to 
Governor Claiborne of the territory of Orleans, at 
New Orleans, as follows, speaking of Cuba and 
Mexico: — < 

We consider their interests and ours as the 
same, and the object of both must be to exclude 
all European influence from this hemisphere. 

Jefferson again alludes to this idea in his letter to 
President Madison of April 27th, 1809, in which he 
speaks of Napoleon's consenting to the United States 
"receiving Cuba into our Union to prevent our aid 
to Mexico and the other provinces"; thus alluding to 
that assistance on the part of the United States of 
America to Latin America which was discussed by 
Congressman James Holland, of North Carolina, in the 
United States Congress on June 14th, 1808, in the 

[52] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

course of a debate to appropriate money for the relief 
of the prisoners held in Venezuela who had taken part 
in the Miranda expedition of 1806 : — 

Sir, had I been a young man, and had nothing 
else to engage in, I should myself have been happy 
to join in a number of brave fellows in emanci- 
pating an enslavened country — and the provinces 
of South America are in a miserable situation, and 
there is no danger of worsting them by the 
change 

If they had succeeded in their attempt and lib- 
erated the provinces (and I hope they will soon 
become free provinces), they would have been 
considered the benefactors of mankind ; they 
would have received the thanks of all the friends 
of humanity ; but, poor fellows ! they were de- 
feated. In going with a design to revolutionize 
the Caracas, they might have gone with patri- 
otic motives. 

Congressman Joseph Pearson, of North Carolina, 
also spoke, urging the appropriation, which was 
finally lost by a tie vote. In the course of the dis- 
cussion, which took up two entire days of the time of 
the House of Representatives of the United States of 
America, it appeared that thirty young citizens of 
that republic had taken part in Miranda's expedition, 
and that Miranda himself had been a guest of Presi- 
dent Jefferson at his table in the White House. 

On March 7th, 1809, Thomas Sumter, of South 
Carolina, was appointed United States Minister to the 
Portuguese Court, which had been residing at Rio de 

[53] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Janeiro, Brazil, since 1807, when the Portuguese 
royal family had been expelled from continental Por- 
tugal by Napoleon's armies. Sumter continued as 
Minister to Brazil until July 24th, 18 19. It was ap- 
parently between January and June, 1809, that a 
"seditious proclamation" * was circulated in Buenos 
Aires (it was sent to the Brigadier of the Royal Navy, 
Joachim de Molina, who was then in Lima, Peru, on 
June loth, 1809), one of the paragraphs of which 
reads as follows : — 

The valor with which the English Colonies of 
America fought for their freedom, which they now 
gloriously enjoy, covers our indolence with shame. 
We have yielded them the palm with which they 
have crowned the New World with an indepen- 
dent sovereignty. Even France and Spain made 
efforts to sustain them. The valor of those 
valiant Americans puts our lack of feeling to 
shame ; they and England will protest the most 
just cause of our honor, provoked by outrages 
which have lasted for three hundred years. 

This reads very much like an adaptation of the circu- 
lar letter of the Peruvian Jesuit father, Vicardo y Guz- 
man, which, as we have already seen, was begun to be 
circulated in the Spanish colonies of America in 179 1. 

In an anonymous letter written about this time to 
the governor of Montevideo, Francois Xavier Elio, 



* " Facultad de Filosofia y Letras. Seccion Historia. Docu- 
mentos Relatives a los antecedents de la Independencia de la 
Republica Argentina," pp. 268, 269. Buenos Aires, 1912. 

[54] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

from some person in the interior of Peru (from internal 
evidence it seems probable that it was written in what 
is now Bolivia), we read that America should unite 
in a Central Junta, to be chosen by two oidores 
(deputies), from each audie?icia ; two persons, deputies, 
from each secular cabildo, two from each ecclesi- 
astical cabildo ; one from each partido ; one from each 
cabezero de provincia, and one half of the officials, 
with the qualification that, except the oidores, they 
shall all be patriots, and that, in addition to those 
named, as many others with talents or endeavors as 
may wish to be of service may come. This Junta 
shall determine which power they shall consider as 
their protector and guardian of the seas, whether 
England or the Anglo-Americans, shall be nearest 
through commercial interests ; and the latter will send 
makers of all manufactures, whereby the present con- 
ditions shall be remedied, by which so much money 
leaves the continent in the form of metal, but rather 
that it shall only leave in manufactures, and agricul- 
tural and industrial products. It was also in the year 
1809 that Joseph Bonaparte, then king of Spain, 
caused a paper to be circulated in South America 
stating that he wished to make South America free 
and independent of Europe, and that his agents were 
to hold out the United States as a model to the peo- 
ple of that continent. 

The beginning of the trade of Salem, Massachusetts, 
with South American ports may be mentioned here. 

[55]. 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Within less than four months after the inauguration of 
George Washington as President of the United States 
of America — on August 25th, 1789 — the schooner 
"Lark" arrived at Salem from Surinam with a cargo 
of sugar, inaugurating a commerce with that colony 
which lasted for seventy-one years. Many a cargo of 
coffee, cocoa, sugar, cotton, molasses, or distilled 
spirits was consigned from Surinam to the old Salem 
merchant princes, — William Gray, Elias H. Derby, the 
Crowninshields, Pickmans, Osgoods, Ornes and others 
of the Golden Book of Salem commerce. In 1799 
and again in 1804 there were twelve vessels from 
Salem to Surinam. The trade with the adjoining 
colony of Cayenne was started in April, 1798, when 
the brig ''Katy," Nathaniel Brown, master, cleared 
for that port with a cargo of fish, flour, bacon, butter, 
oil, tobacco, candles, and potters' ware. Between 18 10 
and 1877 three hundred vessels arrived at Salem from 
Cayenne. The foreign trade of Salem closed when 
the schooner " Mattie P.," belonging to Messrs. C. E. 
and B. H. Fabens, entered Salem from Cayenne on 
March 21st, 1877. 

There is no more daringly adventurous story in all 
the annals of American commerce than these ^eighty- 
eight years of Salem's South American trade. From 
Surinam and Cayenne the Salem merchants pressed 
onward down the Brazil coast. In September, 1809, 
the brig "Welcome Return," Jeremiah Briggs, mas- 
ter, arrived at Salem, consigned to Josiah Dow, from 

[56] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Pernambuco. This Pernambuco trade lasted until 
1 8*5 1. A Salem-ovvned brig came in from Bahia with 
molasses in 1819. There were three entries at Salem 
from Rio de Janeiro in 18 10, and the news of the 
glorious events of May 25th, 18 10, first reached the 
United States on a Salem vessel that arrived at that 
port from Buenos Aires on August 21st, 18 10. The 
Rio de Janeiro trade continued until 1852. The 
finest vessel ever built in Salem, "Cleopatra's Barge," 
built by Mr. George Crowninshield, sailed from Rio 
de Janeiro on January 31st, 18 19, for Salem, Mass., 
with a cargo of hides, sugar, coffee and tapioca, which 
she had obtained there in exchange for New England 
manufactured products. Eight years before, in 
March, 181 1, Mr. Crowninshield's ship **John" had 
entered Salem from Rio de Janeiro. 

The Salem-Buenos Aires trade lasted until August, 
i860, when the bark ** Salem" returned to her home 
port for the last time. She was consigned to Mr. 
James Upton, whose family were prominent in the 
South American trade for over fifty years. The Up- 
tons imported large quantities of hides and horns from 
Montevideo, Uruguay, from 1839 to 1861, though 
the Salem trade with Montevideo had begun long 
before that, in June, 181 1, when the brig "Hope," 
Benjamin Jacobs, master, arrived at Salem, consigned 
to Mr. Thomas H. Perkins, the purpose of whose long 
and useful life, so much of which was spent in promo- 
ting Pan-American commerce, has been perpetuated 

[57] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

in his descendant, Mr. James H. Perkins, who is the 
vice-president of the first United States bank to open 
branches in South America. The Salem trade with 
Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, lasted from 1817 to 1828. 
From 1824 to 1829 several brigs brought cocoa from 
Guayaquil — still a port of the Great Colombian Re- 
public, as Ecuador did not become independent until 
1830 — to Salem, where ships also arrived from Callao 
and Valparaiso. 

The following quotations from Manuel Palacio's 
"Outline of the Revolution in Spanish America," pub- 
lished in London in 18 17, is of interest as showing 
the effects of the example of the United States of 
America on the beginnings of the Venezuelan War of 
Independence in 18 10. It will be remembered that 
the first outbreak of American independence in that 
year occurred at Caracas : — 

The Congress now turned its attention to that 
new Constitution which was to insure the liberty 
of Venezuela. The plan of this Constitution had 
been formed by Don F. X. Ustariz. He, and 
many others of the greatest respectability, had 
intimated from the first their opinion, that, in case 
of a final separation from Spain, the best form of 
government to be established in Venezuela was a 
federal one, of which the United States gave an 
example. In order to disseminate this opinion, 
essays, . . . written by one Burke, . . . were in- 
serted in the Caarcas Gazette for many successive 
months solely to prove the advantages resulting 
from this Constitution of the North Americas. 

[58] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The American Advertiser of Philadelphia for June 
7th, 1 8 10, contains an account of the late revolution 
in Caracas, in which it states that "the people [of South 
America] have no other idea than to make themselves 
independent of every foreign power. In such a cir- 
cumstance we [of the United States of America] 
cannot be indifferent spectators." It was also in 18 10 
that the Venezuelan, Juan German Roscio, secretly 
made a translation of Thomas Paine's '* Rights of Man" 
(which, as we have already seen, Antonio Narifio 
knew about sixteen years before in Bogota, while 
Miranda had met Paine in the United States twenty- 
seven years before) and published extracts from it in 
Caracas in 1811. On June nth, 1810, Juan Vicente 
de Bolivar and Telesforo de Orea left for the United 
States of America with instructions to solicit the aid 
of that country for their compatriots, and in the same 
month Robert K. Lowry was appointed Marine and 
Commercial Agent of the United States of America to 
the provinces of Venezuela, beginning his long and use- 
ful consul career therein. On June 28th, 18 10, Joel 
Roberts Poinsett was appointed agent for commerce 
and seaman of the United States of America at the 
port of Buenos Aires. The following extract from the 
instructions issued to him by Secretary James Monroe 
on that day are deserving of careful attention, as show- 
ing the attitude of the United States of America toward 
the people of Spanish America in the year that witnessed 
the beginning of their War of Independence : — 

[59] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

As a crisis is approaching which must produce 
great changes in the situation of Spanish America, 
and may dissolve altogether its colonial relations 
to Europe, and as the geographical position of 
the United States, and other obvious consider- 
ations, give them an intimate interest in whatever 
may effect the destiny of that part of the American 
Continent, it is our duty to turn our attention to 
this important subject, and to take such steps, 
not incompatible with the neutral character and 
honest policy of the United States, as the occasion 
renders proper. With this in view, you have been 
selected to proceed, without delay, to Buenos 
Aires. You will make it your object, whenever it 
may be proper, to diffuse the impression that the 
United States cherish the sincerest good will 
toward the people of Spanish America as neigh- 
bors, as belonging to the same portion of the 
globe and as having a mutual interest in culti- 
vating friendly intercourse ; that this disposition 
will exist, whatever may be their internal system 
or European relation, with respect to which no 
interference of any sort is pretended ; and that, in 
the event of a political separation from the parent 
country, and of the establishment of an inde- 
pendent system of national government, it will 
coincide with the sentiments and policy of the 
United States to promote the most friendly rela- 
tions, and the most Hberal intercourse, between 
the inhabitants of this hemisphere, as having all a 
common interest, and as lying under a common 
obligation to maintain that system of peace, justice, 
and good will, which is the only source of happi- 
ness for nations. 

[60] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Whilst you inculcate these as the principles and 
• dispositions of the United States, it will be no less 
proper to ascertain those on the other side, not 
only towards the United States, but in reference 
to the great nations of Europe, and to the com- 
mercial and other connections with them, respec- 
tively; and, generally, to inquire into the state, 
the characteristics, and the proportions, as to 
numbers, intelligence, and wealth, of the several 
parties, the amount of population, the extent and 
organization of the military force, and the pecuni- 
ary resources of the country. 

The real as well as ostensible object of your 
mission is to explain the mutual advantages of 
commerce with the United States, to promote 
liberal and stable regulations, and to transmit 
reasonable information on the subject. In order 
that you may render the more service in this re- 
spect, and that you may, at the same time, enjoy 
the greater protection and respectability, you will 
be furnished with a credential letter, such as is 
held by sundry agents of the United States in the 
West Indies, and as was lately held by one at 
Havana, and under the sanction of which you 
will give the requisite attention to commercial 
objects. 

Two of the remarkable Pan-American expressions 
of the year 1 8 1 o were those of the Argentinian Ber- 
nardino Rivadavia, and the Chilean Juan Martinez de 
Rosas. Rivadavia's circular letter of May 28th, 1 8 10, 
communicating the news of the installation of the 
first Junta at Buenos Aires, speaks of the union and 
harmony which should prevail among citizens of the 

[61] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

same origin, dependence, and interests, and in Rosas' 
"Declaration of the Rights of the Chilean People " we 
find the following striking statements : — 

1. The people of Latin America cannot de- 
fend their sovereignty single-handed ; in order to 
develop themselves they need to unite, not in an 
internal organization, but for external security 
against the plans of Europe, and to avoid wars 
among themselves. 

2. This does not mean that the European states 
are to be regarded as enemies; on the contrary, 
the friendly relations with them must be strength- 
ened as far as possible. 

3. The American states must unite in a con- 
gress in order to endeavor to organize and to 

fortify themselves The day when America, 

united in a congress, whether of the two conti- 
nents, or of the South, shall speak to the rest of 
the world, her voice will make itself respected and 
her resolve would be opposed with difficulty. 

The foregoing was reechoed in the Supreme Junta 
of Venezuela of April 27th, 18 10, to the authorities of 
all the American capitals, urging them to contribute 
to the great work of the Spanish-American Confeder- 
ation; and their sending Bolivar and Orea so soon 
afterward to the United States shows that they were 
also thinking of their sister republic to the north. 
This is confirmed by the speech of the Colombian 
patriot Miguel Pombo, in 18 10, to the people of Bo- 
gota, in which he says: "The American voice is 
raised and it has sworn to avenge the blood of its 
Franklins and Washingtons. 

[62] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

It is interesting to note in this connection the many 
references to the United States of America in the 
Gazeta de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires Gazette) for 
i8io and subsequently. The issue of September 
27th, 1 8 10, alludes to the freedom of the press in the 
United States, while that for October 25th prints a 
patriotic song, one verse of which reads as follows, in 
translation : — 

If there was a Washington in the North land, 
We have many Washingtons in the South ; 
If arts and commerce have prospered there, — 

Courage, fellow countrymen ; 

Let us follow their example. 

In the issue for November 28th the reader is urged to 
"listen to Mr. Jefferson, who describes all the parts of 
such an association for us in his ' Observations on Vir- 
ginia.'" A page of translation from Jefferson follows. 
As the United States tonnage registered for foreign 
trade reached its highest point in the first sixty years 
of that country's independent existence in 18 10, when 
91.5%, or 981,019 tons, was carried in vessels flying 
the flag of the United States of America, it is inter- 
esting to discuss the River Plate phase of this com- 
merce. Of the 154 vessels entering and 139 clearing 
from Buenos Aires in 18 10, 10% flew the Stars and 
Stripes. An analysis of some of their cargoes shows 
the salient features of trade between the United States 
and Buenos Aires during that memorable year of Ar- 
gentine independence. On March 4th, 18 10, the 
United States frigate "Walter," Captain Bower, which 

[63] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

had sailed from Philadelphia January 8th, 1810, called 
at Montevideo on her way to Canton, China, and on 
the same day the United States bark "Apollo," Capt. 
William Bragg, arrived at Montevideo after a twenty- 
three-days' sail from Rio de Janeiro, in ballast, con- 
signed to Don Manuel Ortega. On March 17th, 
1 8 10, the United States frigate "Voltaire" arrived at 
Buenos Aires from Philadelphia, via Montevideo, 
having sailed from Philadelphia on January 8th, and 
from Montevideo on March 14th. Her cargo con- 
sisted of sixty-five cases of crockery, twenty cases of 
colored cotton goods, six small cases of linen goods, 
three cases of fine hnen, nine boxes of canvas, two 
boxes of towels, three cases of handkerchiefs and five 
cases of Russian cloths. She was consigned to Don 
Jose Juan de Larramendi. On June 20th, 18 10, the 
United States frigate "George and Mary" arrived at 
Buenos Aires from Providence, Rhode Island. She 
had sailed thence on April 9th, 18 10. She brought 
out 108 cases of furniture, fifty-seven dozen wooden 
chairs, fifteen wooden settees, twenty-six bales of nan- 
keens, five trunks of boots and shoes, two cases of 
cotton goods, and one case each of fans, combs and 
paper. The Rhode Islanders did not confine them- 
selves to cotton goods and furniture alone in their 
Buenos Aires shipments. It had only been twenty 
years since Samuel Slater and Moses Brown had set 
up the first cotton mills in Rhode Island. Moses 
Brown had been apart owner in the "Mary Ann," 

[64] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Captain Daniel Olney, which, as we have seen above, 
visited Buenos Aires in 1802. Perhaps the 367 small 
cases of Hquors, the ten barrels containing cider in 
bottles, and the thirty cases of salt fish had been as- 
sembled by Brown & Ives in Providence from their 
vessels, which traded in many seas, before the 
''George and Mary" brought them to Buenos Aires. 
This vessel seems to have been the first to regularly 
ply between the United States and the River Plate. 
She was consigned to Don Ventura Miguel Morco del 
Pont, whose descendants still flourish in Buenos Aires, 
and who dispatched her for Providence on September 
6th, 1 8 10, with 8,200 horse hides, 4,900 steer hides 
and 1,900 cow hides, as well as 628 arrobas of sheep's 
wool, 6,681 dozen otter (mitria) skins, 2,480 deer 
skins, four dozen vizcacha skins, and 280 dozen dog 
skins, as wells as forty puma skins, sixty casks of tal- 
low and 488 arrobas of horse hair. Maryland was 
not behind Rhode Island in the Argentine trade in 
1 8 10 — what would Captain Timothy Pardener of 
the good ship "Fame," which arrived at Buenos Aires 
on August 15th, 1 8 10, from Baltimore, have said 
had he known that a hundred and seven years later 
a Japanese vessel had made the same journey? The 
''Fame" brought out dry goods, rope, iron, saddles, 
beer, Malaga wine, glass, furniture and shoes. New 
York sent out the frigate *' Valentine," Captain Ben- 
jamin Chase, which arrived at Buenos Aires on August 
14th, 1 8 10; she had sailed from New York on May 

[65] 

6 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

23rd. Most of her cargo was comprised of 5,275 
pine boards, with 1,040 chairs and a trunk of boots, 
and thirty pipes and a barrel of Geneva, — in which 
the patriots may have toasted the new and glorious 
nation arising on the banks of the River Plate. 

On January 15th, 181 1, the Congress of the United 
States of America, acting in response to a secret 
message of President Madison regarding the occupa- 
tion of the Floridas, passed in secret session a reso- 
lution which recited that: — 

Taking into view the pecuhar situation of Spain 
and of her American provinces ; and considering 
the influence which the destiny of the territory 
adjoining the southern border of the United 
States may have on their security, tranquillity, 
and commerce, — 

Resolved, That the United States, under the 
peculiar circumstances of the existing crises, can- 
not, without serious inquietude, see any part of the 
said territory pass into the hands of any foreign 
power ; and that a due regard to their own safety 
compels them to provide, under certain contin- 
gencies, for the temporary occupation of the said 
territory 

A few months before this Thomas Sumter had been 
received at Petropolis by the Prince Regent, Joao VI, 
as United States Minister. On April 30th, 181 1, 
Joel Roberts Poinsett, of South Carolina, who, as we 
have seen, had been appointed agent for commerce 
and seamen in the port of Buenos Aires on June 

[66] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

28th, 1810, was given a new commission as Consul- 
General of the United States of America to Buenos 
Aires, Peru and Chile. At the time of the adoption 
of the Venezuelan Declaration of Independence, on 
July 5th, 181 1, we find the patriot Francisco Javier 
Yanes (whose illustrious grandson, as assistant direc- 
tor of the Pan-American Union, has so worthily main- 
tained the family's Pan-American reputation), urging 
his colleagues to declare their independence on July 
4th, as by doing so they would follow the example of 
their brothers in North America. On July 30th, 
181 1, the Confederation of Venezuela issued a mani- 
festo from the Federal Palace at Caracas of the 
reasons which influenced them in the formation of 
absolute independence, in which the United States of 
America is referred to. When the Argentine envoys, 
Belgrano and Echevarria, bade good-bye to Dr. 
Francia, the famous dictator and liberator of Paraguay, 
on October 12th, 181 1, he offered them a handsome 
steel engraving of Franklin that hung in his study. 
"This is the first Democrat in the world and the 
model we should imitate," he said, when he presented 
it to Echevarria. The Argentineans noticed that 
Francia seemed to know something of the War of 
Independence of the United States of America. 

With these growing inter-American relations it is 
only natural that President Madison should speak as 
follows in his message to Congress of November 5 th, 
181 1, — in words so feehngly alluded to by the late 

[67] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Emilio Mitre on the occasion of Secretary Root's visit 
to Buenos Aires in 1906: — 

In contemplating the scenes which distinguish 
this momentous epoch, and estimating their claim 
to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those 
developing themselves among the great communi- 
ties which occupy the southern portion of our 
hemisphere, and extend into our neighborhood. 
An enlarged philanthropy and an enlightened 
forecast concur in imposing on the national coun- 
cils an obligation to take a deep interest in their 
destinies, to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good- 
will, to regard the progress of events, and not be 
unprepared for whatever order of things may be 
ultimately established. 

This was a message sent to a special session of Con- 
gress that was called to discuss matters connected 
with the impending war with England ; and it is all 
the more noteworthy, as signifying the interest felt by 
one of the greatest United States statesmen in the 
destinies of our South American neighbors at this 
moment of national stress. 

Before this message had been sent to Congress 
Secretary Monroe had received from the agent from 
Venezuela, Telesforo de Orea, a copy of the act of 
Venezuelan independence ; and he seems to have been 
also aware of the progress of the revolutionary move- 
ment in other parts of Latin America. 

On November 12th, 181 1, ''such portion of the 
President's message as referred to South America" 

[68] 



INTER^AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

was referred to a committee of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, consisting of Samuel L. Mitchill, of New 
York; William Blackledge, of North Carolina; Wil- 
liam W. Bibb, of Georgia ; Epaphroditus Champion, 
of Connecticut; William Butler, of South Carolina; 
Samuel Taggert, of Massachusetts; and Samuel Shaw, 
of Vermont. 

As it was Mitchill who was the first, so far as can 
be ascertained, to offer in a foreign legislative body a 
resolution of sympathy with the struggling Latin- 
American countries, some account of his life may be 
of interest. Samuel Latham Mitchill was born at 
North Hamstead, Long Island, August 20th, 1764, 
and died in New York City on September 7th, 1831. 
Educated at the University of Edinburgh, few mem- 
bers of any Congress have won permanent fame in as 
many useful branches of public service as he. His 
chemical, geological, and scientific studies were prac- 
tical as well as theoretical; he was undoubtedly the 
originator of the idea of harnessing the water power 
of Niagara Falls, and he accompanied Fulton on the 
first voyage of the ''Clermont." He founded the first 
medical journal in the United States, and was often 
alluded to as the ''Nestor of American Science." An 
interesting letter from Jeremy Robinson, who had re- 
cently been agent of the United States of America at 
Lima, Peru, to Mitchill from Valparaiso, Chile, in 
1820, is printed on page 43, Vol. XIX, of Niks' s 
Register. 

[69] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

It is extremely probable that Mitchill met Miranda 
during the latter' s sojourn in New York City, and 
possible that he saw Bolivar on his visit there in Oc- 
tober, 1806. 

His memorable resolution, offered on December 
lOth, 181 1, was as follows: — 

Whereas, Several of the American Spanish 
Provinces have represented to the United States 
that it has been found expedient for them to 
associate and form federal governments upon the 
elective and representative plan, and to declare 
themselves free and independent ; Therefore be it 

Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives of tJie Ufiited States of America in Con- 
gress assembled, That they behold with friendly 
interest, the establishment of independent sov- 
ereignties by the Spanish Provinces in America, 
consequent upon the actual state of monarchy to 
which they belong ; that as neighbors and inhab- 
itants of the same hemisphere, the United States 
feel great solicitude for their welfare ; and that, 
when these Provinces shall have attained the con- 
ditions of nations, by the just exercise of their 
rights, the Senate and House will unite with the 
Executive in establishing with them, as sovereign 
and independent states, such amicable relations 
and commercial intercourse as may require their 
legislative authority. 

With such friendly resolutions before Congress, it 
is therefore no wonder that the commissioners from 
the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata (now Argen- 
tina), Diego de Saavedra and Juan Pedro de Aguirre, 

[70] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

who were ordered on June 5th, 181 1, by the Junta 
Gubernativa of Buenos Aires, then the executive au- 
thority thereof, to proceed to the United States to 
buy arms and inform the United States Government 
of the Argentine desire for independence, and after 
saihng, at the end of July, 181 1, arrived at Washing- 
ton on October 25th, 181 1. They wrote to Secretary 
James Monroe on February 5th, 1812, of the ''Hber- 
ahty with which they had been treated by the Gov- 
ernment and inhabitants of the United States," whose 
''favorable disposition to the cause which our Gov- 
ernment maintains, is marked by our gratitude and 
respect," while Carrera, then dictator of Chile, re- 
marked on February loth, 18 12, on receiving Joel 
Roberts Poinsett, the first representative of the 
United States of America in Chile, as follows: ''That 
power [the United States] attracts all our attentions 
and our attachments. You may safely assure it of the 
sincerity of our friendly sentiments." 

Poinsett sincerely and frankly repHed that " the 
Americans of the North generally take the greatest 
interest in the success of these countries, and ardently 
wish for the happiness and prosperity of their brothers 
to the south. I will make known to the Government 
of the United States the friendly sentiments of Your 
Excellency, and I felicitate myself on having been the 
first who had the honorable charge of establishing re- 
lations between two generous nations, who ought to 
consider themselves as friends and natural allies." 

[71] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

As soon as news reached the United States of the 
terrible earthquake at Caracas, Venezuela, of March 
26th, 18 1 2, the sympathies of the people were aroused 
and manifested in various ways, of which the prompt 
action by Congress is an example. On May 4th, 
18 1 2, a law was passed authorizing the President to 
expend ;^50,ooo to purchase a quantity of provisions 
and present them to the government of Venezuela on 
behalf of the United States. Alexander Scott was 
appointed on March 21st, 18 12, political or diplo- 
matic agent to Venezuela in South America, and 
continued in the employment of the United States 
Government in that capacity until May 31st, 1813. 
He remained in Caracas until March, 181 3, when he 
was compelled by the Spanish authorities to leave the 
country. He arrived at La Guaira on June 22nd, 
18 1 2, the five vessels in which the flour and other 
provisions were sent coming soon afterwards. So far 
as can be ascertained this was the first congressional 
appropriation of its kind, and is all the more note- 
worthy as occurring when the United States was on 
the brink of w^ar with England, when every penny 
available was being used for hostile purposes. This 
sum would probably represent nearly ;^ 120,000 now. 
John C. Calhoun, later Vice-President and Secretary 
of both the State and War Departments of the United 
States of America, was very active in securing the 
passage of this bill, having the amount raised from 
;^30,ooo to ;^50,ooo, thus evidencing the Pan-Ameri- 
canism that characterized his long and useful life. 

[72] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Ten years later Captain Bache, of the United States 
ariny, became acquainted in Bogota with the officer 
who had received this ''timely offering." "He reverts, 
at every proper occasion, to the circumstance, with a 
fervor which proves that his gratitude has not been 
cooled with the lapse of time." Five years later the 
South American Manuel Palacio wrote: "It was only 
by the liberality of the Congress of the United States 
that the few whom the earthquake spared did not 
perish by famine"; and the Mexican Mier, writing at 
the end of July, 1812, says: "We have learnt with 
pleasure that the United States have sent aid to 
Venezuela after the earthquake, — ;^ 5 0,000, and pro- 
visions of all kinds, — as well as arms and ammunition 
to Buenos Aires." The last part of the foregoing 
sentence refers to the mission of Diego de Saavedra 
and Juan Pedro de Aguirre to the United States. 
One of their letters to Secretary Monroe has already 
been quoted. They returned to Buenos Aires from 
the United States on May 15th, 18 12, having been 
conducted through the Spanish blockade of the Rio 
de la Plata by Captain David Seccht of the American 
frigate "St Michael." They brought a thousand guns 
with them, which they had obtained in the United 
States through the agency of Secretary of State 
James Monroe. Apparently in July of 181 2, the 
matrons of Buenos Aires met and offered to raise the 
money to pay for these arms and munitions of war by 
subscription. Maria Eugenia de Escalada, the half 

[73] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

sister of General Jose de San Martin's wife, took a 
prominent part in this patriotic endeavor and con- 
tributed two ounces of gold thereto. It will be re- 
membered that San Martin had landed from Europe 
just before March, 1812, and that consequently these 
arms from the United States must have been among 
the first with which his army was equipped. 

The Gazeta de Buenos Aires, to which we have 
already alluded, contains many references to the 
United States and to Pan-American matters in gen- 
eral from the date of its beginning in 18 10. We have 
already seen that in the issue for November 28th, 
1 8 10, a page of translation of President Jefferson's 
*' Observations on Virginia" is printed, and the num- 
ber for September lOth, 18 12, mentioned the arrival 
of the United States ship "Laura" that had left Bos- 
ton on the 4th of the previous April. 

Writing in London in August, 18 12, the Mexican 
Mier mentions that '* Anglo-Americans have arrived 
in Chile with a printing-press and guns," — both use- 
ful at this critical stage in the Chilean struggle for 
independence. The printing-press had arrived at 
Valparaiso from New York on November 24th, 181 1, 
on the United States ship ''Galloway," which also 
brought three printers — Samuel Burr Johnston, Wil- 
liam H. Burbidge and Simon Garrison — from that 
country to set the new industry in operation. John- 
ston was made a Chilean citizen in March, 18 14, be- 
cause of his "noteworthy merit, services, and zeal for 

[74] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

freedom," — one of the first foreigners on whom Chilean 
citizenship was conferred. His exploits in the Chilean 
navy will be enumerated in a later chapter. One of 
the first efforts of this printing-press was to publish 
the first Chilean newspaper, the Auroi^a, which lasted 
from February, 1812, to April 1st, 1813; and it had 
many opportunities of chronicling news from its native 
''country therein. Almost every number published in 
181 2 contains some reference or allusion to the 
United States. On the 13th of February, 1813, it 
mentions the arrival of the United States frigate " Me- 
lantho," Captain Richard R. Boughan, with a cargo 
of Knen goods and canvas ; and in the issue for March 
2nd we find notices of books published in the United 
States, as well as a detailed account of the reception 
of United States Consul-Gen eral Poinsett, by Jose 
Miguel Carrera, then dictator of Chile. In the next 
number, that for March 5th, Matias A. Hoevel, a 
naturalized citizen of the United States of America, of 
Swedish birth, petitions the Chilean Government to 
suspend actual operation of the Reglamento de 
Comercio for February 21st, 181 1, for a little while, 
so that business men from the United States can take 
full advantage thereof On March 12th we find a 
description of a new printing-press recently invented 
in the United States, and in an editorial on March 
19th, the editor, that indefatigable early Pan-Ameri- 
can, Camilo Enriquez, urges that books be brought 
from the United States, especially grammars and die- 

[75] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

tionaries, so that the people of Chile may learn English. 
John Quincy Adams's speech of July 4th, 181 1, in 
Washington, is translated and printed in this number. 
Just as we find later that the people of Buenos Aires 
learned of Bolivar's activities through the United 
States newspapers, so on April 2nd, 18 12, extracts 
from papers from Boston regarding Caracas appeared 
in the Aurora of Santiago de Chile, which also printed 
a translation of Jefferson's Inaugural on November 
loth, 18 1 2, and Washington's Farewell Address in its 
issues for December lOth and 17th. The fourth of 
July, 181 2, was enthusiastically celebrated at Santiago 
de Chile. The government took " every imaginable 
interest," and a Pan-American hymn was sung in the 
streets, a stanza of which reads : — 

Al Sud Fuerte le extiende sus Brazos 
La Patria Ilustre de Washington ; 
El Nuevo Mundo todo se reune 
En eterna Confederacion. 

[The illustrious fatherland of Washington extends her 
arms to the strong South ; all the New World unites in an 
eternal confederation.] 

We called Camilo Enriquez a Pan-American just 
now; if he had done nothing else to justify this title, 
surely the foregoing stanza which he wrote indicates 
his Pan-American views. Later in his useful Hfe 
(1768-182 5), when in exile in Buenos Aires in 18 17, 
he wrote a play, the scene of which is laid in Phila- 
delphia. The Chilean historian Amunategui says of 
him that *'the brilliant perspective of the great re- 
public of the United States was always his model." 

[76] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

One of the last numbers of the Aurora, that of 
March i8th, 1813, mentions the arrival of the U. S. S. 
"Essex," Captain David Porter, at Valparaiso. There 
was some United States shipping to look after on the 
west coast of South America then. Four American 
whalers had arrived at Talcuahuano early in Febru- 
ary, 18 1 3, and in the previous year twenty-six of 
them, mostly from Massachusetts, were off the coasts 
of Peru and Chile. Captain David Porter sailed in the 
U. S. S. ** Essex," forty-six guns, from the capes of 
the Delaware on October 28th, 181 2. The ** Essex" 
was built in Salem, Essex County, Massachusetts, in 
1799, not far from where there was then playing as a 
child another American destined to' be famous in 
Chilean history, — William Wheelwright. 

After passing the straits of La Maire on February 
26th, Captain Porter found himself about twenty miles 
from the coast of Chile ; and on the morning of the 
15th of March he entered the harbor of Valparaiso. 
We will quote his own words as to his reception 
there : — 

Before I got to anchor the captain of the port, 
accompanied by another officer, came on board 
in the Governor's barge, with an offer of every 
civility, assistance, and accommodation, that Val- 
paraiso could afford ; and to my astonishment, I 
was informed that they had shaken off all their 
allegiance to Spain ; that the ports of Chile were 
open to all nations ; that they looked up to the 
United States of America for example and pro- 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

tection ; that our arrival would be considered the 
most joyful event, as their commerce had been 
much harassed by corsairs from Peru, sent out by 
the Viceroy of that province, to capture and send 
in for adjudication all American vessels destined 
for Chile, and that five of them had disappeared 
from before the port only a few days before my 
arrival, and had captured several American whal- 
ers, and sent them to Lima. 

The affair of the salute was arranged, and, after 
anchoring, I saluted the town with twenty-one 
guns, which were punctually returned; immedi- 
ately after which I waited on the Governor, Don 
Francisco Lastra, who gave me the most friendly, 
and at the same time unceremonious reception. 
On my passing the American armed brig *'Colt," 
she fired a salute of nine guns, which was returned 
by the *' Essex" by seven. I had not been long 
with the Governor, before I discovered that I had, 
happily for my purpose, got among staunch re- 
publicans, men filled with revolutionary principles, 
and apparently desirous of establishing a form of 
government founded on liberty. The captain of 
the port, whose name I do not recollect, was a 
sterling, honest patriot, and spoke his sentiments 
boldly ; he evidently felt as those should feel who 
are determined to be free; appeared sensible they 
had yet much to do ; and I am sure was resolved 
to do his utmost to emancipate his country. 

A courier was immediately dispatched, by the 
American vice and deputy Consul, to Santiago, 
the capital of Chile, to inform Mr. Poinsett, the 
American Consul-General, of our arrival in the 
port of Valparaiso. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

When we first arrived, a few boats came off 
' with fruit ; in a few hours our supply was abundant. 
Nothing could exceed the excellence and abun- 
dance of the apples, pears, peaches, nectarines, 
melons, onions, potatoes and vegetables of every 
description. The potatoes are superior in size 
and quality to those of any other country, and are 
indigenous. Tons of the foregoing articles were 
sold to our people, which were laid by as a sea 
stock, as well as hogs and poultry in great num- 
bers, and of the best qualities ; the fowls are of 
the largest size. No part of the world could have 
afforded us a more ample supply of everything 
we wanted of the provision kind. The flour and 
bread were of a very superior quahty, and could 
be procured in any quantities without difficulty. 
All the dry provisions were put up in hides ; the 
flour was better secured in them and more closely 
packed than it could possibly be in barrels ; and, 
although much heavier, we found them more 
manageable. The use they make of hides is as- 
tonishing; the most of the furniture for their mules 
and horses, and their houses, on some parts of 
their coast, even their boats, or as they are called, 
balsas are made of this article. It is used for 
every purpose to which it is possible to apply it, 
either whole, cut in pieces or in long strips. 
When used for balsas, two hides each, cut some- 
thing in the form of a canoe, with the seams 
upward, are blown up by means of a reed, and 
stopped together; a piece of board is then laid 
across to sit on, and on this frail machine they 
venture a considerable distance to sea. The 
laque, for the use of which the Chileans are so 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

famous, is formed of a very long strip of hide, 
with a running noose, and their dexterity in using 
it, in catching animals at full speed, is surprising. 
Every pack-horseman and driver of a jackass is 
furnished with one of them ; and so much do they 
delight in them, or in showing their dexterity, 
that when they wish to catch any one of their 
drove, either to load, unload, or for any other 
purpose, they take their distance, deliberately coil 
up their laque, and never fail of throwing it over 
the neck of the animal wanted. 

On the 17th, Captain Munson, of the American 
brig in port, arrived from Santiago, bringing me 
a letter from the Consul-General, inviting myself 
and officers, in the name of the Government of 
Chile, to visit the capital, and informed us that 
horses and every other convenience were provided 
for on the road. Captain Munson was also de- 
sired by the Consul to inform me that the Presi- 
dent and Junta, with a large military escort, would 
meet us at a considerable distance from the city, 
and that, in a political view, they considered our 
arrival as the most happy event. Captain Munson 
stated that the bells had been rung the whole day, 
and illuminations had taken place the evening 
after our arrival was announced, and that it was 
generally believed that I had brought from my 
country nothing less than proposals for a friendly 
alliance with Chile, and assurance of assistance in 
their struggle for independence. This idea I felt 
no disposition to do away with. 

Agreeably to the Governor's invitation, we at- 
tended his party, where we found a much larger 
and more brilhant assemblage of ladies than we 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

could have expected in Valparaiso. We found 
'much fancy and considerable taste displayed in 
their dress, and many of them very handsome, 
both in person and in face ; their complexion re- 
markably fine, and their manners modest and at- 
tracting. With their grace, their beauty of person 
and complexion, and with their modesty, we were 
delighted, and could almost fancy we had gotten 
amongst our own fair countrywomen. 

After all was over, " we returned on board our ship, 
pleased with the novelties of a Chilean ball, and much 
gratified by the solicitude shown by every one to 
make our stay among them agreeable." Before the 
''Essex" left Valparaiso, which Porter describes as 
''pleasantly situated, and has a considerable com- 
merce," Luis Carrera, "a spirited youth about twenty- 
two years of age," the brother of the President, dined 
on the "Essex" with Consul-General Poinsett and 
Consul Haywell, the representatives of the United 
States of America in Chile. The night before sailing 
the Governor of Valparaiso entertained them with a 
dinner and ball, and "the night was spent with much 
hilarity." It is interesting to note that Admiral David 
Glasgow Farragut was with Porter at this time, as a 
midshipman, only thirteen years old. 

The Seminario Repulicano was also published at 
Santiago de Chile at this time. It was founded and 
conducted by Camilo Enriquez and Antonio Jose de 
Irisarri, who afterwards died in Brooklyn. In its first 
number, for October 30th, 181 3, we find "examples 

[81] 

7 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

of tolerance of Madison, Jefferson and Washington," 
and in the issue for November loth, a version of a 
hymn called "Hail, Great Republic of the World!" 
which the Seniinario states was the national hymn of 
the United States of America, dedicated to the people 
of Buenos Aires. But the Gazeta de Buenos Aires 
had not been behind its Chilean contemporary in in- 
forming the public in general about the United States 
of America during the year 1813. The numbers for 
July 28th and August 4th, 18 13, contain a long dis- 
sertation on the duties and functions of the Executive 
Power in the United States. The number for August 
1 8th, 18 1 3, quotes Chief Justice Marshall at length. 
On October 6th, 1813, the good people of Buenos 
Aires read in their Gazeta Ministenal a long transla- 
tion from the New York Evening Post of the preced- 
ing June 2 1st, which stated that "According to a 
letter from Cadiz, dated April 13th, the Spaniards 
complain that the United States approve of the revo- 
lutionary spirit that abounds in the American Domin- 
ions, and that we have openly recognized the rights 
that those countries have to revolt." The number 
for December ist, 18 13, quotes from Fisher Ames: 
"Those who govern should remember that to pre- 
serve a free government a supine security is almost 
treason." 

On February 2nd, 1813, a Spanish translation of 
Washington's Farewell Address was published at 
Buenos Aires; the translation was made by no less a 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

person than General Manuel Belgrano, who stated in 
his Preface thereto that the Farewell Address first 
came into his hands about the year 1805; that he 
undertook to translate it himself, but it was lost with 
all his papers in ''his dangerous and hasty Combat of 
March 9th, 181 1, at Tacuari"; thereupon, as he was 
** anxious that the lessons of the American Hero might 
be propagated among us," he received another copy 
from the hands of David C. De Forest ; and the 
American Dr. Redhead, who was also then living in 
Buenos Aires, assisted him in the translation. He 
alludes to Washington as ''that Hero worthy of the 
admiration of our Age and of the Generations to 
come, example of moderation and of true patriotism, 
who bade farewell to his fellow-citizens, on leaving 
office, giving them the most important and salutary 
lessons ; and in speaking of them, I speak of all those 
we have about us, and with all those who may have 
the glory to call themselves Americans." He also 
states that "I merely wish to beseech the Govern- 
ment, my fellow-citizens and all who think of the 
happiness of America, not to separate this little Book 
from their pockets. Let them read, study and medi- 
tate on it, and determine to imitate that great man, 
so that we may arrive at the end to which we as- 
pire, — to constitute ourselves into a free and inde- 
pendent Nation." 

. The letter of Juan Manuel de Luca to the Vice- 
Consul of the United States of America in Buenos 

[83] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Aires, William Gilchrist Miller, dated February lOth, 
1813, is of interest at this stage of our narrative: — 

On the 31st of last month the General As- 
sembly was installed, which was announced to the 
free provinces within our limits on October 23rd 
last, having been recognized and sworn to worthily 
and with all solemnity. 

The status of legitimate and sovereign repre- 
sentation to which these provinces have been 
raised by common vote, presents to-day the most 
happy occasion of assuring your Excellency that, 
its national form having been created, by order of 
my Government I have the honor to communi- 
cate to you that his Excellency desires nothing 
so greatly as to initiate with those free countries 
of North America those commercial relations of 
mutual interest and frankness which open the 
channels to industry and prosperity of States, 
more indeed in those in whose origin is seen the 
same principles which have governed our political 
regeneration. I have the honor to communicate 
such a noteworthy event to you, assuring you at 
the same time that my Government instructs me 
to extend every consideration to you, who are so 
worthy of your representative character. 

I have the honor to be, Your very obedient 
servant, Juan Manuel de Luca, 

Secretary of the Ad hiterim Gove7'nment. 

A week later, on February 17th, 18 13, we find de 
Luca sending a similar notification to United States 
Consul Poinsett in Chile. The Argentine historian 
Palomeque, commenting on this, states that "the 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

directors of the Argentine Revolution had formed 
such an opinion of the worth of North America [the 
United States of America] that they were already 
seeking their alliance in 1813." 

On July 2 1 St, 181 3, the triumvirate,— Nicolas 
Rodriguez Pena, Jose JuHan Perez, and Antonio A. 
Gomez, — developed the foregoing ideas of Secre- 
tary Luca in the following important dispatch to 
President Madison : — 

Since the cry of freedom resounded on the wide 
shores of the Rio de la Plata, men accustomed to 
forecast events justly flattered themselves that 
the great people of the United States of North 
America would never be indifferent to the eman- 
cipation and prosperity of these Colonies. As they 
were starting on the same career which those had 
gloriously completed, and considering the identity 
of interests and reciprocity of relations, they hoped 
to make the first announcement to them and to 
request their protection abroad, as the other pow- 
ers were almost exclusively occupied in the ruin- 
ous continental war in which they were engaged, 
and were under various forms of tyranny and 
European ambition. Unfortunately the vacilla- 
tions and uncertainties which necessarily accom- 
pany the transition from one government to 
another in countries long enslaved took place in 
these Provinces ; and did not allow what should 
have been the proper result of that great event to 
take place,— to establish direct relations with 
your country; a new obstacle which has embar- 
rassed and frustrated the best of our intentions 

[85] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

having arisen, — the recent breaking off the rela- 
tions between the United States and England. 

But finally the love of freedom overcame oppo- 
sition, triumphed successfully over its enemies, 
and after a constant series of victories, has pro- 
duced order, which will assure the results of our 
glorious Revolution. As the .general constituent 
Assembly of the United Provinces of the Rio de 
la Plata has been opened, and the Executive 
Authority constituted on bases none the less firm 
because they are liberal, and the great cause of 
those who sustain the rights of the people against 
the impious doctrine of those who endeavor to 
submit them to the proscription and the exclusive 
interests of Kings, will succeed by the declaration 
of independence in these southern hemispheres. 

In circumstances which are, therefore, happy, 
this Government has the honorable and cordial 
pleasure of announcing to your Excellency its 
permanent installation, and of conveying to the 
honorable American Congress, through the most 
worthy medium of your Excellency, its highest 
prospect and sentiments of friendship. 

The dispositions which arise from the analogy 
of pohtical principles and the indubitable charac- 
teristics of a national sympathy, should prepare 
a fraternal alliance which would truly unite the 
Americans of the North and South forever, caus- 
ing the Congress of the United States and the 
Constituent Assembly of the United Provinces of 
the Rio de la Plata to adopt the basis of social 
compatibility to its full extent to show through its 
results that between the Governments of the two 
Americas there exist neither the lugubrious dis- 

[86] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

tinctions which separate moraHty from pohtics, or 
the artificial manipulations of the ministries of the 
Old World. 

Will your Excellency be pleased to accept the 
assurances and the testimony of the highest con- 
sideration of this Government? 

May God guard your Excellency many years. 
Jose Julian Perez, 
Antonio A. Gomez, 
Nicolas Rodriguez Pena. 
Buenos Aires, July 21, 1813. 

To the very honorable President of the United 
States of North America, 
Washington. 

On the sixth anniversary of the first step toward 
Argentine independence, in the issue of May 25th, 
1 8 16, the following interesting announcement is made 
in the Gazeta de Buenos Aires : — 

We believe that we did not remember to men- 
tion on this day the events in the United States. 
America is the common fatherland of every Amer- 
ican against the oppression of the monarchs of 
Europe, and Washington, although he was born 
of the north of this part of the globe, is also a fel- 
low-countryman of those who were born in the 
south. Besides, the revolution in the United 
States is a finished picture, and a masterpiece of 
wisdom and virtue ; ours is still in the workmen's 
hands. 

Buenos Aires received its news of what Bolivar and 
other patriots were accomplishing in Colombia, and 

[87] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

what is now the Republic of Venezuela, by way of 
the United States, as well as their information about 
Mexico. Thus the issue of March i6th, 1814, quotes 
a long extract from the Boston Gazette of September 
1 6th, 18 1 3, "which has just reached us," about a let- 
ter from Curacao, dated August 8th, 1813, concerning 
the recent patriotic victories in Venezuela. Again, in 
the issue of July 6th, 18 16 (three days before the 
Congress of Tucuman met and consolidated the liber- 
ties of the strong young Argentine provinces), the 
latest news from Cartagena appeared, culled from 
papers in the United States. The issue of August 
31st, 1 8 16, reprints the famous letter of December 
3 1st, 1 8 1 5, from the Viceroy of Mexico to the Spanish 
Government, in which he speaks of the policy of the 
United States of America, of their interest in the 
emancipation of the Mexican provinces and in up- 
lifting them by its system. When, on October 19th, 
18 16, a ship arrived from Philadelphia in the record 
time of two months and five days, bearing important 
news from Mexico, a special number of the Gazeta 
Ordmai'ia was prepared. 

In the issue for November 20th, 181 5, we read the 
following extract from the London Chronicle of Sep- 
tember 8th, 1815 : "Morelos has established an active 
and sure means of communicating with the United 
States. Parties of American volunteers have pene- 
trated into the interior provinces of NeAv Spain, and 
have given a great impulse to the revolution of that 

[88] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

country. Don Pedro Gual, Commissioner of the 
independent government of New Granada, has just 
arrived at New York. We know that the Washington 
Government is trying to facihtate the export of arms 
to Spanish America, and that the independent flag 
of that country is cordially received in the United 
States." President Madison's message to Congress of 
September 20th, 18 14, is reprinted in the issue for 
February ist, 181 5, with the following comment: 
•* The following message of Mr. Madison to the United 
States Congress is a state paper which should be 
published for various reasons, as it gives an exact 
idea of the condition of that country, and its great re- 
sources." On April 6th, 18 16, the indefatigable De 
Forest advertises for sale *'A Concise History of the 
United States of America, from its origin to the year 
1807." Possibly some copies of this book were used 
by those responsible for the memorable Declaration 
of Argentine Independence at Tucuman, on July 9th, 
1 8 16. This was a translation of the third edition of 
a book published in Philadelphia in 18 12, by Manuel 
Garcia de Sena, the Colombian. The Preface is dated 
November 20th, 181 1, and the exact title is "Historia 
Concisa de los Estados Unidos desde el Descubrimi- 
ento de la America hasta el ano de 1807." 

Though Chilean journalism of that time enjoyed a 
precarious and infrequent existence, it made various 
references to the United States. The Aurora, from 
which we have previously quoted, was succeeded by 

[39] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

the Monitor Araucano, which lasted from April 6th, 
1813, until after the defeat of the Chilean patriot 
army at Rancagua, its last issue appearing on Sep- 
tember 30th, 1 8 14. President Madison's message to 
the United States Congress on the war with England 
was printed in the numbers for July 20th and 22nd, 
18 1 3, and another of his messages appeared in the 
issue for April 22nd, 18 14. That for April 19th, 
mentions the victory of the United States troops over 
General Proctor and the destruction of the British 
fleets on Lakes Ontario and Erie by the United States 
navy. Later, even the Royalist Gazeta del Gobierno 
de Chile turned to President Madison for inspiration. 
Even though all the Auroras and Monitor Araucanos 
were ordered to be confiscated on January loth, 
181 5, the Gazeta printed President Madison's mes- 
sage to Congress on the continuation of the war with 
England in its numbers for July 27th and August 3rd, 
181 5. It must have been news ; but the war with Eng- 
land had been over for six months when it was printed. 
On January 2nd, 1 8 14, in a speech made in honor 
of Simon Bolivar at Caracas, the Governor of Caracas 
stated that — 

.... a thousand glorious events make the 
Uberator of Venezuela a hero worthy of being 
placed by the side of the immortal Washington ; 
and to a certain degree he has added to his valor 
and military skill the wisdom and poHcy of his 
companion, Franklin. 

[90] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAI NiTANCES 

The president of the municipality, Juan Antonio 
Rodriguez Dominguez, in his speech referred to 
Washington as the "tutelary genius of the freedom 
of the United States of the North." On this same 
occasion Domingo Alzuru, well known for the perse- 
cutions inflicted on him by the Spaniards, and for his 
exalted patriotism, stated that — 

.... we have a hero .... whose name will 
be written in all the cultured nations of the Uni- 
verse on a par with that of Washington, and 
among those of FrankHn, Brutus, Decius, Cassius, 
and Cimbrius. 

This ceremony was that through which Bolivar was 
popularly recognized as dictator for such time as suf- 
ficed to affirm the freedom of the fatherland. One of 
the most interesting phases of the Pan-Americanism 
of this period is the relations between the national 
hero of Uruguay, Jose Artigas, and the United States 
of America. They are exempHfied in the following 
letter from Artigas to President James Monroe, dated 
at Purificacion, September ist, 1817: — 

Most Excellent Sir : 

I had the honor to communicate, in the first 
instance, with Mr. Thomas Lloyd Halsey, Consul 
of the United States in these provinces, and I have 
to congratulate myself on so fortunate an incident. 
I have tendered to him my respects and all my 
services ; and I will avail myself of this favorable 
occasion of presenting my most cordial respects to 
your Excellency. 

[91] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The various events of the Revolution have 
hitherto deprived me of the opportunity of ac- 
cording this duty with my wishes. I pray your 
Excellency to be pleased to accept them, now 
that I have the honor to offer them to you, with 
the same sincerity that I strive to promote the 
public weal and the glory of the Republic. All 
my efforts are directed to their support, aided by 
the sacrifices of thousands of my fellow-citizens. 
May heaven grant our wishes. 

In that event I shall still more warmly renew 
to your Excellency the assurance of my cordial 
regard, and of the high consideration with which I 
have the honor to be, most Excellent Sir, your 
Excellency's most obedient, respectful and con- 
stant servant, J r . _,^^^ 

' Jose Artigas. 

Consul Halsey was an interesting pioneer of United 
States interests and influence in the River Plate. His 
home was in Providence, Rhode Island. Appointed 
Consul in Buenos Aires by President Madison in May, 
1813, he did not arrive there until the end of that 
year; he continued in office until about January 24th, 
1818, the four years of his incumbency being critically 
historical ones for the country of his official residence. 
He was a man of somewhat impulsive character, well- 
intentioned and at times far-seeing, who had very 
strong ideas on the importance of increasing the 
prestige of his country in the River Plate countries. 
He was engaged in business throughout his Consul- 
ship, as the Buenos Aires consulate did not become 

[92] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

one of career until long afterward. Possibly through 
these business connections he seems to have been on 
bad terms with his fellow-countryman David C. De 
Forest. 

Although Halsey is still commendingly referred to 
in Argentina as having introduced various useful 
breeds of sheep into that country,* he seems have in- 
curred the displeasure of the Argentine Government 
at the time of his official residence therein by taking 
an active part in various political matters, though this 
very activity doubtless made him friends among the 
people of Buenos Aires. From various indirect 
sources it seems highly probable that Halsey offered 
Artigas asylum in the United States of America, 
especially as the report that he did so occurs per- 
sistently in Uruguayan historical writings. From the 
somewhat fragmentary correspondence on file in the 
Department of State at Washington from him, he 
seems to have been interested in Uruguayan affairs. 

Further evidences of Artigas's fondness for the 
United States may be seen in the "Memoria of Don 
Ramon Caceres on Historic Events in Uruguay," 
dated Rio Grande do Sul, August 9th, 1850, in which 
he states that ''at the beginning we all took the United 
States as a model," and also on page 265, where he 
states: "We were proud of the many sons of distin- 
guished families fighting among us, speaking of this 

*See Mulhall's ''English in the River Plate"; also Volume 
III of the Argentine Agricultural Census of 1908, pp. 65, 66. 

[93] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

matter in the presence of worthy foreigners, envoys 
of North America," etc. On December i6th, 1856, 
Ramon de Caceres wrote to Bartolom^ Mitre as fol- 
lows : — 

Replying to your questions as explicitly as I 
can, I will add that Artigas had a great fondness 
for the North Americans, the agents of whose gov- 
ernment he often had near him, and some of the 
officers which Jose Miguel Carrera brought out 
for his enterprise against Chile served under Arti- 
gas's orders ; among them was an artillery captain 
called Henry Kennedy, a young man full of merit ; 
and I have been assured that he still lives near 
Mendoza, sightless, for a bullet struck out both his 
eyes in the Civil War. 

There is a curious reference in a dispatch of John 
Murray Forbes, agent of the United States at Buenos 
Aires, to the Department of State on December 4th, 
1820, to the effect that Halsey had furnished Artigas 
with arms and had personal correspondence with him. 
Such action is wholly in accordance with his dispatch 
to Secretary Monroe of November 7th, 181 5, urging 
the United States to loan money and arms to Argen- 
tina, and on July 3rd, 18 16, six days before the 
memorable Congress at Tucuman, he writes again to 
the Department of State in a similar strain. Before 
waiting for any authorization or instructions, so far as 
can be ascertained, he guaranteed a loan made by 
General Devereux, who was also a citizen of the 
United States of America, to the Argentine Govern- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

ment; and it would seem that he had a perfect right 
to do this in his private business capacity, which was 
often, as in the case of other United States consular 
representatives at that time, inextricably interwoven 
with his representative character. Professor Paxson 
states that this loan ''saved the life of the existing 
Argentine Government" Devereux's commission as 
General was received from the Government of the 
United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata at about this 
time. In addition to the loan above referred to, he 
gave the Buenos Airean patriots a large supply of 
munitions of war. The Supreme Director, Pueyrre- 
ddn, certainly seemed grateful for the assistance of 
Halsey and Devereux in this matter, if we may judge 
from the following letter of his to President Madison, 
dated January 31st, 1817: — 

Most Excellent Sir : 

This Government, having been more active 
than ever in the present struggle, to bring to com- 
pletion the happy independence which the people 
have sworn and proclaimed, has endeavored to 
take every measure to forestall risks and to reckon 
with results, and to place the seal on the honor- 
able character which we now possess. But, in 
spite of such worthy endeavors, sufficient impulse 
has not been given to the cause to drive away the 
enemy, making him feel the weakness of his en- 
terprise, because of the lack of sufficient funds, 
has at times paralyzed hostile measures to have 
full play in other endeavors. In such a hard 

[95] 



rNTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

struggle Providence sent me aid through Mr. 
John Devereux, to whom I was invited through 
the Consul of those States, Mr. Thomas Lloyd 
Halsey, in the form of two million pesos, to be 
lent this Government under certain conditions, 
which I have not hesitated in accepting because 
of the need which forced me to do so, as well as 
by the nature of the contract ; it has been ap- 
proved by the competent authorities, and the 
articles which make it binding, and which are 
added thereto, have been approved in an agree- 
ment with the aforesaid Consul. It* only remains 
for this Government to give it all the protection 
necessary for its fulfillment, and that is what these 
people request of Your Excellency through me. 
Persuaded as they are that the liberty which these 
states enjoy is the same which yours proclaim, 
they have such confidence in the guarantee of 
your Government for this loan that they have 
already given themselves over to the sweet hopes 
of friendly mutual relations, as between brothers, 
and they offer the most sincere cordiality from 
now on, and reciprocal union on behalf of the 
pure cause they defend. 

May God guard Your Excellency many years. 

Now Halsey had evidently not heard of Talley- 
rand's maxim about avoiding the use of too much 
zeal; for he went too far in this case; of course the 
United States could not guarantee any such loan, 
whatever Halsey and Devereux might have done in 
their private capacity. But Halsey was doubtless en- 
couraged in his endeavors by the following letter from 
Ignacio Alvarez to him, dated May lOth, 1815 : — 

[96] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

On the 6th instant I took possession of this 
' Government to which the election of this worthy 
City has destined me in the quahty of a substitute ; 
the administration of the State has placed under 
the direction of other persons, to be put an end to 
the calamities which the former Government oc- 
casioned, although it has not altered in the least 
the consideration of the estimation and value 
which the country dispenses to persons who are 
invested with a pubHc character from foreign pow- 
ers. There is, further, a particular motive for 
distinguishing you from the source of your repre- 
sentation. If from the obstacles that have placed 
us at a distance, and the lack of communication, 
we have not maintained closer relations with the 
United States of the North, we have not been 
without knowing that reciprocal interest, and the 
analogy of sentiments invite us to unite our fate 
with the virtuous sons of Washington. In offering 
myself to you with this new purpose, and with all 
the considerations of appreciation which you de- 
serve, I think it my duty to beg you to use all the 
influence you have with your Government, so that 
when circumstances permit we may be able to 
receive the assistance that lies in their power, 
particularly with regard to articles of war, being 
assured that this Capital will make full payment 
for them, and that they will advise me when op- 
portunity offers to direct our communications. 

This specific request for ''assistance with regard to 
articles of war" later broadened into the mission of 
Manuel Hermenegildo de Aguirre to the United 
States of America. Three months after Halsey had 

\.97] 

8 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

ceased to be Consul, on April 28th, 18 17, Pueyrredon, 
who must have been sincerely friendly towards the 
United States to have written such a letter as the 
foregoing, addressed President Monroe in the follow- 
ing communication, whose language would indicate 
that even the disavowal of the loan had not shaken his 
faith in the good-will and brotherhood of the United 
States of America. He states that — 

When the interests of sound policy are in ac- 
cord with the principles of justice, nothing is more 
easy or more pleasing than the maintenance of 
harmony and good understanding between Pow- 
ers which are connected by close relations. This 
seems to be exactly the case in which the United 
States and these Provinces stand with respect to 
each other ; a flattering situation, which gives the 
signal of our success, and forms our best apology. 
It is on this occasion that Citizen Don Manuel 
Hermenegildo de Aguirre, Commissary-General 
of War, is deputed toward you in the character of 
Agent of this Government. If his recommend- 
able qualities are the best pledge of the faithful 
discharge of his commission and of its favorable 
issue, the upright and generous sentiments of 
Your Excellency are not less auspicious to it. 
The concurrence of these circumstances induces 
me to hope for the most favorable results. I 
trust, therefore, that Your Excellency will be 
pleased to grant to the said citizen Aguirre all the 
protection and consideration required by his 
diplomatic rank and the present state of our re- 
lations. This will be a new tie, by which the 

[98] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

United States of the North will more effectually 
secure the gratitude and affections of the Free 
Provinces of the South. 

Aguirre left Buenos Aires on May 20th, 1 8 1 7 ; on 
April 19th he had made a contract with George 
Green, a United States merchant residing in that city, 
to bring some merchant vessels from the United 
States for the use of the patriot forces then devoting 
their energies toward obtaining the independence of 
the west coast of South America. Forty-two years 
before, on April 19th, 1775, the embattled farmers at 
Lexington and Concord had fired the shot heard 
around the world ; and now their countrymen were to 
aid their brothers under the Southern Cross in their 
struggle for freedom. 

Aguirre possessed yet another credential — nothing 
less than a letter from Jose de San Martin, General- 
in-Chief of the Army of the Andes, to President James 
Monroe. It is a simple, dignified letter that fitly 
alludes to the similarity of the movement for freedom 
in both Americas ; it is the letter of one of the greatest 
men that has ever inspired the world with that con- 
sistently courageous self-denial without which true 
patriotism can never exist, or without which great 
nations cannot be founded. It was written in April, 
1 8 1 7, and deserves to be quoted in full : — 

Most Excellent Sir : 

Charged by the Supreme Director of the Prov- 
inces of South America with the command of the 

[99] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Army of the Andes, Heaven crowned my forces 
with a victory on the I2th of February over the 
oppressors of the beautiful kingdom of Chile. 
The sacred rights of nature being restored to the 
inhabitants of the country by the influence of the 
national arms and the efficacious impulse of my 
Government, fortune has opened a favorable field 
to new enterprises, which secure the power of 
hberty and the ruin of the enemies of America. 
Towards securing the consolidation of this object, 
the Supreme Director of the Government of Chile 
has considered, as a principal instrument, the 
armament in these States of a squadron destined 
to the Pacific Ocean, which, united to the forces 
that are preparing in the River La Plata, may 
cooperate in sustaining the ulterior military oper- 
ations of the army under my command in South 
America ; and, convinced of the advantages which 
our political situation promises, I have crossed the 
Andes in order to concert in that capital, among 
other things, the guaranty of my Government, 
and, in comphance with the stipulations between 
the Supreme Director of Chile and its intimate 
ally, to carry into effect the plan which has been 
confided to Don Manuel Aguirre. Your Excel- 
lency, who enjoys the honor of presiding over a 
free people, who contended and shed their blood 
in a similar cause to that in which the inhabitants 
of South America are now engaged, will, I hope, 
deign to extend to the above-named person such 
protection as is compatible with the actual relations 
of your Government ; and I have the high satisfac- 
tion of assuring your Excellency that the arms of 
the country under my orders will not fail to give 

[lOO] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

consistency and respect to the promises of both 
' Governments. 

I am happy in having this agreeable occasion 
to pay tribute to your Excellency of the homage 
and profound respect with which I have the honor 
to be Your Excellency's most humble servant, 

Jose de San Martin. 

The credential Aguirre possessed from the Govern- 
ment of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata 
to James Monroe, Secretary of State of the United 
States of America, is also quoted below in full : — 

It cannot be forgotten that through this heroic 
revolution the people of this Union have long 
since directed their gaze toward that great Re- 
public which exists in the North of America. 
Since they obtained their glorious liberty, the 
United States have been like a luminous constel- 
lation which indicates the career traced by Provi- 
dence for the other people of this part of the 
globe. 

Be it pleased, therefore, to receive from the 
voice of this Government its sincere sentiments on 
the present occasion and transmit them to his 
Excellency the President of the United States, so 
that that worthy magistrate of the first free nation 
of America may direct his attention to the state in 
which we now are, and may be pleased to accept 
the congratulations of this Government, because 
of the close relations which exist between the 
people who are charged therewith and ourselves, 
especially since we no longer belong to Spain, 
but are independent. 

[lOl] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Indeed, this is the precious moment to advance 
the commercial relations which have already be- 
gun, with the advantages which two Governments 
alike in their nature should promise each other; a 
consideration whereby you will greatly oblige the 
Government of this country if you will lay it before 
the President, assuring him of our constant incli- 
nation toward everything that may lead to the 
prosperity of the United States. 
God guard you many years. 

Miguel Irigoyen, 

Francisco Antonio de Escalada, 

Manuel Obligado. 
Buenos Aires, July 19th, 18 16. 

On December 4th, 18 17, Caesar A. Rodney, John 
Graham, and Theodoric Bland, accompanied by Henry 
M. Brackenridge, as Secretary, sailed in the United 
States frigate "Congress" from Hampton Roads, 
Virginia, and arrived at Buenos Aires on February 
28th, 1818, to accomplish the mission of observation 
entrusted to them by President Monroe. By October, 
18 18, the commission had returned to the United 
States. Graham was afterward United States Minister 
to Brazil ; he was appointed to that post on January 
6th, 18 19, and died at Rio de Janeiro, while still hold- 
ing that office, on July 31st, 1820. On January 23rd, 
1823, Rodney was confirmed as United States Min- 
ister to Buenos Aires, and was the first to hold that 
office. He left Philadelphia on June 8th, 1823, on 
the United States frigate *• Congress," and arrived 
there on November i6th, just before the Monroe 

[102] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Doctrine was proclaimed (December 2nd, 1823). On 
June loth, 1824, he died at Buenos Aires, and the 
next issues of the Buenos Aires papers appeared in 
black. Rivadavia's oration over his grave is a master- 
piece of genuine Pan-American feeling. 

On the 15 th of February, 18 18, Rivadavia wrote to 
Gregorio Tagle, who had only just before concluded 
the Tagle-Irissari treaty with Chile : "I was presented 
to Lafayette by the Ambassador of the United States, 
Mr. Gallatin. He lent me his active cooperation to 
prevent the supposed mediation [of European powers 
in the affairs of Latin America]. He has stated to 
the Chiefs of the Diplomatic Body that his Govern- 
ment cannot fail to recognize South American inde- 
pendence in the course of this year." 

As Bland's report on this mission to Buenos Aires 
is not very well known, and is noteworthy as showing 
the friendly relations then existing between Argentina 
and the United States, the following extract there- 
from may prove of interest: — 

Report of Theodoric Bland, Esq., 

ON South America. ^ 

Buenos Aires. 

Baltimore, 2nd November, 181 8. 
Sir: 

The fair prospects which seemed to be open- 
ing upon some portions of the people of South 
America ; the lively sympathy for their cause, felt 

[ 103 ] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

by citizens of the United States; and the deep 
interest of our country in the fate of those prov- 
inces, where colonial rule, or independent freedom, 
seems to have been put to issue, and contested 
with all the energy which such a stake never fails 
to excite, justly attracted the most serious atten- 
tion of the government. In whatever disposition 
of mind the South American contest and its scenes 
were contemplated ; whether with feelings of be- 
nevolence, and with the best wishes, or with re- 
gret, and under a sense of injury, the first thought, 
that which appeared most naturally to arise in the 
mind of every one, was the want of information as 
to the actually existing state of things. A new 
people were evidently making every possible 
effort against their transatlantic masters, and pre- 
paring themselves to claim a recognition in the 
society of the nations of the earth. In this strug- 
gle, each contending party endeavoring to strike 
his antagonist beyond the immediate area of the 
conflict, our commercial rights had frequently re- 
ceived a blow, and our municipal regulations were 
sometimes violated. New and fertile regions, rich 
and extensive channels of commerce were appar- 
ently about to be opened to the skill and enter- 
prise of the people of the United States ; as to all 
which, their feelings and their interests seemed to 
require to be gratified with further information. 
Under these considerations it became the earnest 
wish, and was deemed the right and duty of our 
Government to explain the views it had, in some 
of its measures ; by timely representations and re- 
monstrances, to prevent the further injury which 
our commercial and other rights were likely to 

[104] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

sustain ; and to procure correct intelligence as to 
the existing state of affairs in those parts of our 
Continent, where the revolutionary movement 
had attracted the most attention and excited the 
strongest interest. 

For this purpose, three persons, of whom I had 
the honor to be one, were selected and sent in a 
public ship to South America — who being, among 
other things, directed that, "if, while in Buenos 
Aires, they should find it expedient or useful, 
with reference to the public service, that one or 
more of them should proceed overland to Chile, 
they were authorized to act accordingly." They 
did, therefore, at Buenos Aires take into consider- 
ation the expediency and utility of going to Chile, 
and did there determine, that, under the existing 
circumstances, it would be expedient and useful 
for one or more of them to go to that country. 
In consequence of which I crossed the Andes, 
and having returned, it now becomes my duty to 
communicate a statement of such facts, circum- 
stances and documents as I have been able to 
collect, and which presented themselves as most 
likely to be of importance, or in any manner useful 
to the nation. 

We sailed in the United States frigate, the 
"Congress," from Hampton Roads on the 4th of 
December, 18 17, and touched, as directed, at Rio 
de Janeiro, where we delivered the despatches 
committed to our charge to Mr. Sumpter, the 
Minister of the United States resident there. 
After a stay of a few days, we proceeded thence 
direct for the River Plate, which we ascended in 

[los] 



INTER. AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

the ''Congress" as far as Montevideo. Mr. Graham 
and myself visited that city and found it, with the 
country immediately around, to the extent of 
about three miles, in the actual possession of a 
Portuguese army, under the command of General 
Lacor. We were treated by the General with 
politeness, and an offer was made by him of per- 
mission to procure there, every facility we might 
want to convey us thence to Buenos Aires, and 
also of leave to obtain from the ship every re- 
freshment and accommodation we might want. 
Finding that it would be impossible for the "Con- 
gress" to proceed much further up the river, 
owing to there not being a sufficient depth of 
water for her over a bar between Montevideo and 
Buenos Aires, which traverses the river entirely, 
and on which it is only eighteen feet deep, we 
took passage thence in a small vessel and landed 
at Buenos Aires on the 28th day of February last 

[1818]. 

After consulting and advising together, as to 
the extent, object, and manner of executing our 
instructions, it seemed to us, that no time should 
be lost in presenting ourselves to the Government, 
or chief constituted authorities of the place ; and, 
in making known to them all these subjects, which 
we were directed to present to their view. In ar- 
ranging those points, it was deemed most proper, 
in the first place, to express the friendly and 
neutral disposition of our Government, and to 
place in a fair and amicable point of view those 
measures which it had been supposed were likely 
to be interesting, or materially to effect the feel- 
ings, or the claims of the people of the River 

[106] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Plate ; and then to present the injuries many of the 
citizens of the United States had sustained, and 
the infractions of their laws, which had been com- 
mitted by armed vessels, assuming the name and 
character of patriots, belonging to the independent 
governments of South America, and to seek the 
information which our Government had directed 
us to obtain ; and which it had been deemed most 
advisable to procure from the public functionaries 
themselves as far as practicable. 

Accordingly, after ascertaining the names and 
style of the principal personages in authority, we 
called on his honor El Sefior Don Gregorio Tagle, 
the Secretary of State ; and having »made known 
to him who we were, and expressed our wish to 
have an interview with the chief magistrate of the 
country, a day and hour was appointed for the 
purpose, when we called, and were, accordingly, 
introduced by the Secretary of State to His Ex- 
cellency, El Seiior Don Juan Martin de Pueyrre- 
ddn, the Supreme Director of the United Provinces 
of South America. After the interchange of some 
compHmentary expressions of politeness, good 
wishes, and friendly dispositions, we made known 
to the Director, in general terms, the character of 
special agents, in which we had been sent by our 
Government to communicate with him ; and that 
our communications might be either with himself 
or with his Secretary. The Director replied, that 
they would be received in a spirit of brotherly 
friendship, and in that form and through either of 
those channels which we should deem most con- 
venient. 

[107] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

In a short time after our introduction to the 
Director, and in about a week after our arrival, we 
waited on the Secretary of State, as being the 
most formal, and respectful, mode of making our 
communications to this new and provisional revo- 
lutionary government. We stated to the Secre- 
tary, that our Government had not viewed the 
struggle now pending between the provinces of 
South America and Spain, merely as a rebellion of 
colonists ; but as a civil war, in which each party 
was entitled to equal rights and equal respect; 
and that the United States had, therefore, assumed 
and would preserve the most impartial, and the 
strictest good faith, a neutral position ; and in the 
preservation of this neutrality, according to the 
established rules of the law of nations, no rights, 
privileges, or advantages would be granted by our 
Government to one of the contending parties 
which would not, in like manner, be extended to 
the other. The Secretary expressed his appro- 
bation of this course ; but in an interview subse- 
quent to the first, when the neutral position of the 
United States was again spoken of, he intimated 
a hope that the United States might be induced 
to depart from its rigid neutrality in favor of his 
Government — to which we replied, that as to 
what our Government might be induced to do, or 
what would be its future policy toward the patriots 
of South America we could not, nor were we 
authorized to say anything. 

[Here follows a long report of verbal inquiries 
addressed by the Commissioners to the Secretary 
on the subject of Amelia Island.] 

[ io8 ] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

To which the Secretary replied, that the Gov- 
ernment of Buenos Aires had not before been 
informed, or heard of the abuses committed by 
those who had taken possession of Amelia Island 
and Galveston ; that it had no connection what- 
ever with those who had exercised any authority 
at either of those places, and that the removal of 
those establishments could not fail to be attended 
with good consequences to the patriot cause, by 
preventing any improper imputation being cast on 
it; and therefore his Government could, certainly, 
only see in that measure of the United States the 
manifestations towards it of the most friendly dis- 
position. We stated to the Secretary, that it had 
been understood, that many unprincipled and 
abandoned persons, who had obtained commis- 
sions as privateers from the independent patriot 
Government, had committed great depredations 
on our commerce, and had, evidently, got such 
commissions, not so much from any regard to the 
cause of independence and freedom, as with a view 
to plunder ; and that we entertained a hope, that 
there would be a due degree of circumspection 
exercised by that Government in granting com- 
missions which, in their nature, were so open to 
abuse. 

The Secretary repHed, that there had hitherto 
been no formal complaint made against any of 
the cruisers of Buenos Aires ; and that if any cause 
of complaint should exist, his Government would 
not hesitate to afford proper redress, on a pre- 
sentation and proof of the injury; that the Gov- 
ernment of Buenos Aires had taken every possible 

[109] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

precaution in its power, in such cases, that it had 
established and promulgated a set of rules and 
regulations for the government of its private 
armed vessels, a copy of which should be furnished 
us ; and that it had, in all cases, as far as possible, 
enjoined and enforced a strict observance of those 
regulations and the law of nations. 

We stated to the Secretary, that a considerable 
portion of the people of the United States had 
manifested a very favorable disposition towards 
the patriot cause in South America ; and the 
Government, also, had every disposition to treat 
the patriot authorities with the justice, dignity and 
favor which they merited, that although our Gov- 
ernment had, for the present, determined on ad- 
hering to a strict and impartial neutrality between 
the contending parties, it might yet deem it pol- 
itic and just hereafter to adopt other measures; 
and therefore, with a view to regulate its conduct 
and policy with perfect good faith and candour, as 
well as with regard to its neutrality, as with regard 
to any other measures it might deem advisable to 
take, it had charged us, as special agents, to seek 
and endeavor to obtain, in this country, such in- 
formation as to the actual state of things, as would 
enable it to act with correctness, precision, and 
understanding^ in whatever course it may here- 
after pursue We assured the Secretary, 

that our Government sought this information from 
an experience of the want of it, and in the spirit 
of the most perfect amity; that until the com- 
mencement of the present revolutionary move- 
ments in that country, it had been so comparatively 

[no] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

locked up from the eye, observation and inter- 
' course of every foreign nation, that the real state 
of things in it had been but very imperfectly, and, 
in some respects, were wholly unknown ; that the 
friendship so openly and decidedly expressed by 
a consideradle portion of the people of the United 
States would furnish conclusive proof of the spirit 
of good-will in which this information was sought ; 
and, in itself, was a guarantee that their Govern- 
ment would, under no circumstances, use the 
, communications that might be made for improper 
or unfriendly purposes towards the people of that 
country. But, if that Government should think 
proper to note any communications it should 
make, as private and confidential, we pledged our- 
selves that our Government would never suffer it 
to go to the public ; if, indeed, there could be 
wanting any other more solemn and decided man- 
ifestation of respect, on its part, than the very act 
itself of our having been sent in a public ship of 
war to have this intercourse with them. The Sec- 
retary, in reply, said that his Government had the 
greatest confidence in the friendly dispositions of 
that of the United States ; and that the people of 
the two countries were friends toward each other 
as brothers ; felt as such, and would act toward 
each other as brothers ; that the information asked 
for would certainly be granted ; . . . . that, as re- 
garded foreign nations, they had, hitherto, had no 
official communication with any of them ; and that 
their relations with all, except Spain, were those 
of mere peace, such as were obvious to the world, 
without any treaty or stipulation whatever 

[Ill] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

But this chapter cannot be closed without quoting 
an important dispatch written in this same year, 1817, 
to James Monroe, President of the United States of 
America, by one of the greatest of South Americans, — 
Bernardo O'Higgins, — which reads as follows: — 

Santiago de Chile, 

April 1st, 18 17. 
Most Excellent Sir : 

The beautiful kingdom of Chile having been 
reestablished on the 12th day of February last by 
the army of the United Provinces of Rio de la 
Plata, under the command of the brave General 
Don Jose de San Martin, and the supreme 
direction of the state being conferred on me by 
choice of the people, it becomes my duty to an- 
nounce to the world the new asylum which these 
countries offer to the industry and friendship of 
the citizens of all nations of the globe. 

The inhabitants of Chile, having thus reassumed 
their natural rights, will not hereafter submit to 
be despoiled of their just prerogatives, nor tolerate 
the sordid and pernicious policy of the Spanish 
cabinet. In its numerous population, and the 
riches of its soil, Chile presents the basis of a solid 
and durable power, to which the indepeneence of 
this precious portion of the New World will give 
the fullest security. The knowledge and resources 
of the neighboring nation of Peru, which has re- 
solved to support our emancipation, encourage 
the hope of the future prosperity of these regions, 

[112] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

and of the establishment, on Hberal grounds, of a 
commercial and political intercourse with all na- 
tions. If the cause of humanity interests the feel- 
ings of Your Excellency, and the identity of the 
principles of our present contest with those which 
formerly prompted the United States to assert in- 
dependence disposes your Government and peo- 
ple favorably towards our cause, Your Excellency 
will always find me most earnestly desirous of 
promoting the commercial and friendly relations 
of the two countries, and of removing every ob- 
stacle to the establishment of most perfect har- 
mony and good understanding. 

God guard you many years. 

Bernardo O'Higgins. 



[113] 



CHAPTER II 

Citizens of the United States of America who 

Took Part in the Latin-American War 

of Independence, i 8 id- 1826 

IT should always be remembered, in discussing the 
United States of America, who took part in the 
Latin-American Wars of Independence, that the 
United of States of America was at that time in a very- 
different position from England or France, which 
countries furnished so many more volunteers to that 
noble cause. During three years of the period in 
question the United States was herself at war. Yet 
during this time the brave Baltimorean, Alexander 
Macaulay, laid down his life for the freedom of Co- 
lombia at Popayan. During all this period the United 
States was itself expanding and opening up vast tracts 
of land for cultivation and settlement. Yet more 
vessels flying the Stars and Stripes entered the harbor 
of Buenos Aires in 1810 than in 1910; there were 
more American than English ships in the harbor of 
Buenos Aires in 1824, and far more on the west coast 
of South America in 18 13 than in 191 3. 

Let us now briefly discuss the careers of a few 
typical citizens of the United States of America who 
struggled for the freedom of their brothers in the 
South. 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

First and foremost comes Charles Whiting Woos- 
ter, Rear-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief of the 
Chilean navy. He was born in New Haven, Con- 
necticut, in 1780, being the grandson of General 
David Wooster, who was one of the eight Brigadier- 
Generals first named by the United States of America 
in 1776, and the son of Thomas Wooster, who was 
born at Danbury, Connecticut, July 30th, 175 1. 
When only eleven years old he went to sea, and when 
he was twenty-one was in command of the ship "Fair 
American" of New York, which arrived in Philadel- 
phia from Surinam on November 17th, 1801. Later, 
according to the Chilean historian Vicuna Mackenna, 
he was "captain of the port of New York, with the 
title of Colonel," and in 1812 we find him again sail- 
ing the Spanish Main, in command of the United 
States privateer "Saratoga." From 1812 to 1815, 
when he sailed the seas in command of her, he took 
twenty-two British vessels, including the British let- 
ter of marque "Rachael" off La Guaira, after a cele- 
brated naval action. These captures may explain why 
Cochrane so disHked Wooster, and the sneering allusion 
to him in Julian Corbett's Life of Cochrane, When the 
War of 1 8 1 2 was over we find him again returning to 
peaceful maritime pursuits ; he arrived at Philadelphia 
from Liverpool on April 2nd, 18 16, in command of 
the ship "Halcyon" after a fifty-days' voyage. 

The South American wars for independence had 
reached a critical stage. The United Provinces of the 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Rio de la Plata alone were free from the Spanish 
forces when the year 1816 began. Chile, Peru, and 
what are now the Republics of Colombia, Venezuela 
and Ecuador, were still filled with King Ferdinand's 
forces. King John VI reigned over Portugal, the 
Algarves and Brazil, and was soon — on December 
3rd, 1 8 17 — to sign the Holy AUiance at Rio de 
Janeiro. The end of the Napoleonic wars in Europe 
encouraged the Government of Madrid to make every 
effort to retain their American colonies, which still 
extened from Florida to Southern Chile. 

On January 17th, 18 16, Jose Miguel Carrera ar- 
rived at Annapolis after a sixty- three days' voyage 
from Buenos Aires. Not long before. President Mad- 
ison had issued his famous proclamation of Septem- 
ber 15th, 181 5, forbidding the export of arms and 
ammunition to South America. (A century later, 
President Wilson issued various neutrality procla- 
mations; but they did not prevent twenty Harvard 
graduates from dying for the Allies.) Long before 
Madison's proclamation, citizens of the United States 
of America were taking a vigorous part in the South 
American wars for independence. Alexander Macau- 
lay had been captured and shot by the Spaniards at 
Pasto, Colombia, on January 26th, 18 13. Samuel 
William Taber had invented a submarine boat for the 
patriots of Buenos Aires, and had been imprisoned by 
the Royalists at Montevideo while in their service, to- 
gether with his fellow countryman, John Vincent War- 

[116] 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

dell, who was a captain of a batallion of light infantry 
iri the service of the United Provinces of the Rio de la 
Plata. Taber died on November 8th, 1813, near 
Buenos Aires. The activities of United States citi- 
zens in Chile in 18 13 will be stated presently. Thus 
the United States had not been indifferent to South 
American freedom. 

Carrera was received by President Madison, and 
dined with him in the White House, on January 26th, 
1 8 16; and now began his unceasing propaganda in 
the United States in favor of Chilean independence. 
He had two ships built for the cause, which he later 
brought to Buenos Aires ; and he enlisted the sym- 
pathy of many adventurous young citizens of the 
United States, in those days when three-quarters of 
our foreign commerce was carried under the Stars 
and Stripes, which flew in almost every harbor of the 
world, from Mauritius to Riga. Both Vicuna Mac- 
kenna and Garcia Reyes (in his **Memoria sobre la 
primera escuadra nacional," Santiago, 1846) state 
that Carrera inspired Wooster to come to Chile ; and 
it is hardly to be doubted when we consider Carrera's 
enthusiasm and Wooster' s sanely adventurous tem- 
perament. Besides, Wooster's wife had just died; 
and the sea was in his blood, for the old General 
Wooster had traded to the West Indies when Con- 
necticut was only a colony. So on November 28th, 
18 17, Wooster sailed from New York on his armed 
bark "Columbus" with a cargo of sixty-six cases of 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

guns, forty-seven artillery grenades, sixty-one barrels 
of powder, 312 barrels of cannon balls, 309 cases 
thereof, — and much peaceful cargo, such as 391 
cases of crockery and ninety-seven reams of news- 
print paper. The New York Evening Post for Friday, 
November 28th, J817, comments on her sailing as 
follows: "Sailed on Wednesday last, the elegant cor- 
vette brig ' Columbus,' Charles W. Wooster comman- 
der, with a number of passengers, bound on a com- 
mercial voyage to the northwest coast of America 
[Madison's proclamation was still in effect, and no one 
liked to commit an "overt act" against Spain], thence 
to Canton, and back to the United States. We are 
authorized to say," continues the enterprising New 
York reporter, "that this vessel, in point of naval 
architecture, equipment, and sailing, has perhaps 
never been excelled by any that has before left this 
port." 

On February 4th, 181 8, the "Columbus" arrived 
at Buenos Aires, consigned to Messrs. Zimmerman, 
Lynch & Co., whose senior partner, Mr. John Chris- 
tian Zimmerman, of New York City (1786- 185 7), had 
arrived in Buenos Aires on the "Kemp" of Balti- 
more, on September ist, 181 5, with a large supply of 
munitions of war, and shortly before Wooster' s ar- 
rival two boats had reached Buenos Aires on the same 
day, December i6th, 18 17, with arms and ammuni- 
tion for his firm, — one with powder from Baltimore, 
the other with 188 cases of guns from Salem. 

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Wooster may have met a relative of his by mar- 
riage in Buenos Aires. His cousin Julia had married, 
on October 6th, 1811, David Charles de Forest, of 
Huntington, Connecticut, who had been in business 
in Buenos Aires since February, 1802; but though 
she had returned to New Haven nearly a year before, 
in April, 18 17, her husband did not leave Buenos 
Aires until March, 18 18. It is, however, almost cer- 
tain that Wooster saw Carrera while in the River 
Plate. (That active Chilean had arrived in Buenos 
Aires from the United States in February, 18 17, and 
remained there and in Montevideo until his arrest, on 
March 29th, 18 18.) Possibly he saw the United States 
Commissioners, Rodney, Graham and Bland, who 
reached Buenos Aires February 27th, 1818. Their 
secretary, Henry M. Brackenridge, describes the trade 
between the United States and Buenos Aires in 18 18 
as follows : — 

From the United States they receive lumber of 
ail kinds, and furniture of every description, 
coaches and carriages of all sorts, cod-fish, mack- 
erel, shad and herring, leather, boots and shoes, 
powder and munitions of war, and naval stores, 
ships and vessels, particularly those calculated for 
their navy or for privateers. 

I have been unable to ascertain the exact date when 
Wooster left Buenos Aires on the "Columbus"; it 
was probably towards the end of March, 18 18, and 
was possibly not unconnected with Carrera' s arrest. 

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The "Columbus" arrived at Valparaiso on April 25th, 
1 81 8, when the Chileans were beginning to form their 
much-needed navy; for, though both Chacabucom 
and Maipu had been won on land, further progress 
towards complete independence was difficult without 
sea power. Only four months before Wooster's ar- 
rival in Chile 3,400 veteran Spanish troops had been 
transported from Peru to Talcahuano, which was 
still held by the Royalist forces ; and the absolute in- 
dependence of Chile had only been proclaimed some 
two months and a half before, on February 12th, 
18 18. The Royalist fleet was not driven away from 
the neighborhood of Valparaiso until almost the day 
of Wooster's arrival. A United States bark, the 
"Ariel," from Baltimore, had forced the blockade on 
February 13th, and decoyed her pursuer — a Spanish 
warship — under the guns of the Playa Ancha battery, 
which succeeded in injuring her. 

Chile was still in a rather unsettled condition, and 
it was only after considerable negotiations that the 
Chilean Government bought the "Columbus" on 
August 6th, 18 18, from Zacharias W. Nixon, who 
seems to have acquired her from Wooster shortly be- 
fore. On August loth she was renamed the "Arau- 
cano," and on the same day Wooster was given the 
rank of paptain in the Chilean navy, the "Araucano" 
being placed under his command on August 14th. 
Bernardo O'Higgins, then Supreme Director of Chile, 
issued a proclamation to the new navy on September 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

7th, 1818, in which he mentions the North Ameri- 
cans who were lending their services to the Chilean 
squadron. 

Wooster was now one of the three captains in the 
Chilean navy. On September 17th, 18 18, one of the 
captains, John Higginson, retired, leaving Wooster 
and Captain William Wilkinson second under Ad- 
miral Blanco Encalada in command of the Chilean 
navy. On October loth, 18 18, the Chilean squadron 
left Valparaiso. Wooster commanded the frigate 
"Lautaro" of fifty guns and 350 men, then the second 
largest ship of the Chilean navy. The ''Araucano" 
was in command of a young adventurer, a citizen of 
the United States of America, named Raymond Mor- 
ris, who had taken part in the battle of Chacabuco 
under the patriot forces in February of that same 
year. The "Araucano" carried sixteen guns and no 
men. The shores of Valparaiso were crowded with 
people of all ages and sexes to see the squadron sail 
to attack the Spanish fortress of Talcahuano. On the 
day after sailing they lost sight of land, being carried 
along by a fresh breeze from the Southeast. Blanco 
Encalada now opened his sealed instructions, in ac- 
cordance with which he directed his course to the 
Island of Mocha, where he was to remain to await the 
enemy's convoy. The voyage continued without in- 
cident for several days, the squadron crossing the 
route frequented by ships proceeding from the Straits 
of Magellan to Callao. Daily drills were held and the 
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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

squadron's efficiency considerably improved. On the 
evening of the 14th, when the squadron was about 
ten to twelve leagues distant from the Island of Quin- 
quina, the "Araucano" was detached and ordered to 
sail to the Island of Santa Maria, the Commander-in- 
Chief continuing his course with the "San Martin" 
and "Lautaro." In the early morning of the 27th 
they learned from the English whaling ship "Shake- 
speare" that the Spanish war frigate "Maria Isabel" 
had passed into Talcahuano. The "Maria Isabel" 
had belonged to the Russian fleet, and was sold by 
the Czar, Alexander I, to the King of Spain, with five 
other ships and five frigates, to aid him in the restora- 
tion of the Spanish monarchy in America, as the re- 
sult of the Holy Alliance. She was brilliantly cap- 
tured by the Chilean navy in Talcahuano harbor on 
October 28th, 18 18, Wooster being the first to board 
her. This was a month before Admiral Cochrane ar- 
rived in Chile. In the official report which Admiral 
Encalada made to the Supreme Director, O'Higgins, 
on the 5th of November, 18 18, he highly commends 
Captain Wooster, stating that he maintained the high- 
est discipline, his men showing their valor by executing 
manoeuvres with promptness and perfection, making 
every sacrifice to secure success. This message was 
reprinted in the Gazeta de Buenos Aires for Decem- 
ber 3rd, 1 8 18. On November 17th the squadron tri- 
umphantly reentered Valparaiso, though the "Chaca- 
buco " did not arrive until November 22nd, with two 
captured Spanish transports. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

On November 28th, 18 18, Lord Cochrane arrived 
at Valparaiso on the British merchant vessel "Rose," 
and on December nth, 18 18, was placed in com- 
mand of the Chilean navy. At that time Wooster was 
still in command of the frigate *'Lautaro," which had 
then forty-four guns and a crew of 228. Cochrane at 
once got into difficulty with Raymond Morris, who 
continued in command of the *'Araucano," suspend- 
ing him and distributing his crew among the other 
ships of the squadron for refusing to raise anchor 
eighteen hours after they had been ordered to do so. 
Cochrane had fought against the United States and 
seemed to have had but little affection toward people 
from that country. On the 9th of January, 18 19, Coch- 
rane received instructions to proceed to blockade 
Callao, and on the 14th, as the squadron was about to 
sail. Captain Wooster reported to Cochrane that his 
own vessel could not do so, since his crew was dis- 
contented, as they had very little clothes and no 
money, and that he thought that in such an exigency 
his vessel ought not to leave port Cochrane answered 
him that his order must be obeyed that night, and 
that he could take everything he wanted from Coch- 
rane's own ship, even to the mast and sails if he 
thought them necessary for the ''Lautaro." Wooster 
could do nothing else in such a crisis than to resign, 
and Captain Guise was named in his place. Wooster's 
reasoning was fully justified when a mutiny broke out 
on the "Lautaro" on the next day. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Although Wooster continued in Chile in a whal- 
ing enterprise, he did not reenter the Chilean navy 
until the i8th of March, 1822, when he was ap- 
pointed Chief of the Chilean naval forces. Early 
in April, 1822, he sailed to the southward in com- 
mand of the naval forces of General Bauchef's expe- 
dition against the Island of Chiloe, which was still 
held by the Spanish forces. He arrived at Valparaiso 
on the 26th of October. Three days before, when 
the "Lautaro" had entered the harbor of Talca- 
huano, a serious mutiny broke out, the crew refusing 
to obey Wooster's orders to accompany two , trans- 
ports which were taking provisions and supplies to 
the expeditionary forces at Valdivia. In the mean- 
while Cochrane had returned to Valparaiso on June 
the 2nd. 

On November 27th, 1825, Wooster sailed from 
Valparaiso on the expedition to reduce the Island of 
Chiloe in command of the bark "Aquiles," where he 
behaved with great bravery. In the attack of Janu- 
ary nth, 1826, Freeman Oxley, a United States 
citizen, was killed by fire from the battery of San 
Carlos while serving on the Chilean man-of-war 
"Aquiles," while endeavoring to board a launch of 
the enemy's. A little over two years before this, in 
the engagement between the Chilean ship ** Monte- 
zuma" and the Royalist Spanish ship from Chiloe, 
the ''General Quintanilla," on December nth, 1823, 
his bravery received special commendation, and the 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Chilean historian Barros Arana states that at the time 
of his death he was beginning a briUiant career in the 
Chilean navy for himself by his intrepidity at all cost. 

Another of Wooster's exploits was the conveying 
in 1826 of General Santa Cruz to Bolivia (which then 
had a seacoast), of which country he had been made 
President while Bolivian Minister to Chile. 

In the year 1829 Wooster was in command of the 
Chilean navy, in which year he was made Rear- 
Admiral and retired from the service. 

Perhaps the best way of characterizing the activities 
of Wooster in Chile would be to quote prominent 
Chileans' testimonials of his services to their country. 
On September i8th, 1835, ex-President Francisco 
Vicuna wrote as follows to Wooster: — 

You informed me that the time is soon coming 
when you leave for your native land; this news 
has been very painful to me and to all my family; 
and when I think of this separation, after eighteen 
years of the closest friendship, my house having 
been the first which you entered in this capitol, 
my heart is moved as I review the benefits which 
my native land has received by your services, — 
but can the risks, the victories, the honor and 
other noble qualities of Admiral Wooster be ever 
forgotten by the honored patriots in Chile? The 
history of this republic will not fail to recognize 
who this man was and what he did for our inde- 
pendence ; all his services, all worthy of the highest 
gratitude and recognition, are engraved in the 
memory of the best of my fellow-countrymen. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Who does not remember the capture of the 
Spanish frigate "Maria Isabel" in the harbor of 
Talcahuano? A valorous and risky act, but sus- 
tained and accomplished with bravery. Who will 
forget the daring on this memorable day when the 
Rear- Admiral saved the ship "San Martin," which 
had run aground and was in the greatest danger 
of being lost? The mere name of Wooster drove 
off every pirate, every Spanish ship which formerly 
lorded it on our coasts, causing every class of in- 
jury and destroying our commerce completely, 
forever from our shores. 

The memory of good Chileans will be eternal 
to tell the glories of his triumphs to posterity, due 
largely to the intrepidity of our Rear-Admiral, 
who in the ship vLautaro," blockading Valdivia 
and Chiloe, still occupied by our enemies, in the 
stormiest weather in those rough waters, so feared 
by sailors, hindered with his indefatigable con- 
stancy every reenforcement, every communica- 
tion and every aid ; and the blockaded were in 
such terror that the patriots who were in these 
places took courage and thought that with the aid 
of our maritime forces that they could throw off 
the yoke of their slavery, as soon after occurred. 

And can the year 1825 be forgotten among us? 
Let us recall to mind the end of our struggles and 
the work of the integrity of Chilean liberty accom- 
plished. And who had the greater part in the 
actions of that day in which the Archipelago of 
Chiloe was cleared of the flood of Spaniards who 
had fled there after we drove them out from our 
continent. Wooster it was whose ever excessive 
daring triumphed in the most difficult actions ; on 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

board the warship ''Aquiles" he fearlessly ad- 
' vanced before the castles and batteries which 
raked all the bay with a terrible fire ; on another 
side the gunboats kept up a quick attack, but 
Wooster, like an aroused lion, rose above the fire 
and death which were on all sides of him and con- 
centrated all the enemy's fire on one place. Their 
flank was therefore left exposed, by means of which 
the land forces were able to disembark, and in a 
moment General Freire routed all the enemy's 
forces, thus placing the seal on the work of the 
War of Independence. 

After General Pinto left the Government, in ac- 
cordance with the law the supreme command of 
the republic fell on me, and I had planned to 
write a biography of the famous men of our revo- 
lution, in whose pages you were to occupy a very 
prominent place, and considering through this 
the important services which the nation owed to 
you, I saw fit to direct that you be commissioned 
Rear- Admiral of the Chilean fleet, and I have the 
honor of having signed the commission which 
confirms this result of my fully justified Hne of 
conduct. 

Neither I nor my family shall ever lessen the 
regard in which we hold you ; we will always re- 
member your constant and firm loyalty in the re- 
cent disturbances. Your sincere friend, 

Francisco Vicuna. 

On June 30th, 1835, General Pinto wrote to Woos- 
ter from Serena as follows : — 

I have received and read with real sorrow your 
welcome letter of the 12th inst, in which you in- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

form me that you were soon leaving for the United 
States, asking me for a statement of your services 
which you rendered to our repubHc during the 
long time that you have served her. 

These services are well known, and there is no 
Chilean who is ignorant of them. You were one 
of the founders of our squadron in the year i8i8 ; 
you obtained command of the warship "Lautaro," 
and the capture of the Spanish frigate "Maria 
Isabel," with a convoy of 2,500 men was the fruit 
of this first campaign in which you won distin- 
guished praise from the Rear-Admiral of the 
squadron ; whenever he ordered you to undertake 
the difficult blockade of Chiloe and Valdivia you 
performed it to the satisfaction of the Government, 
so that no Spanish ship could reach any of those 
that you were watching. 

In the year 1825 the second expedition to 
Chiloe and its glorious result, which completed 
' the War of Independence, you played a promi- 
nent part by the readiness, intelligence and brav- 
ery with which the "Aquiles," which was under 
your command, fought the fortresses there, while 
the troops were disembarking. When the garri- 
son in the next year rose in rebellion against Na- 
tional authority, you were in command of the 
squadron which led the expedition that subdued 
them, rendering also in this campaign worthy and 
important services, which helped to completely 
establish order in all the Archipelago. 

When the Ministry of War and Marine was un- 
der my charge in the years 1824 and 1825, and 
during the time when I was charged with the Su- 
preme Government of the Republic, in the years of 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

. 1827-28 and a part of 1829, your conduct always 
deserved the regard of the Government for your 
valor, honor, zeal in the service and precise com- 
pliance with the duties entrusted to you. 

I will finish by repeating that I am extremely 
sorry to see a veteran of its independence leave 
my country, one who has served her with such 
honor and constancy in the days of risk and 
danger, when a Spanish cell was generally the end 
of the career of a patriot. I remain, 

Very truly yours, 

F. A. Pinto. 

It is interesting to compare Wooster's ending with 
that of his fellow-citizens of the United States of 
America who fought in the early South American na- / 

vies. David Jewett, of New London, was Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the Brazilian navy when Wooster was 
attacking Chiloe in 1826, and in that same year 
Jonas Halstead Coe, of New Jersey, entered the 
Argentine navy, in which he soon afterward distin- 
guished himself as second in command under the 
famous xA.dmiral Brown. John Daniel Daniels, of 
Baltimore, had served in the Colombian navy for 
many years ; he was given a pension for life by Vene- 
zuela in 1845. Coe married a daughter of the dis- 
tinguished Argentine General Balcarce, and died in 
1864 on his beautiful estate in Entre Rios, with his 
children and grandchildren about him. Jewett passed 
away in Rio de Janeiro in 1842, laden with wealth 
and honors. Both Paul and William Delano, of 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Massachusetts, who had served with Wooster in the 
Chilean navy, ended their long lives in peace and 
plenty in their Chilean homes. Wooster alone died 
in poverty, in 1848, far away from his only son, an 
officer in the United States army. And at his funeral 
the American and Chilean flags were draped over the 
grave of one who, as Vicuna Mackenna fitly observes, 
"was second only to Cochrane among the famous sail- 
ors who came from the Atlantic to place the Pacific 
Ocean under the shade of our [the Chilean] flag."* 

At least two citizens of the United States of 
America laid down their lives for Chile during her 
war for independence. Lieutenant Charles Eldridge, 

*BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES 

" Manifiesto que da en su despedida de Chile el Contra- 
Almirante D. C. W. Wooster." Santiago de Chile, 1836: Im- 
prenta de la Opinion. Exceedingly rare. Only known copy iu 
the National Library at Santiago de Chile. Contains letters to 
Wooster quoted above from Freire, Pinto, and Francisco Vi- 
cuna. I am indebted to the courtesy of Dr. Carlos Silva Cruz, 
the National Librarian, for permission to consult this pamphlet. 

" Galeria Nacional 6 Colleccion de Biografias y Retratos de 
Hombres Celebres de Chile." Escritapor los principales literatos 
del pais. Dirigida y publlcada por Narciso Desmadril. Miguel 
Luis Amunategui, Revisor. Tomo 11, pp. 160-165, contains 
an excellent short biography of Wooster by Vicuna Mackenna. 

Figueroa, Pedro Pablo : " Diccionario Biografico de Estran- 
jeros en Chile." Santiago, 1900. 

Uribe, Luis (Admiral of the Chilean Navy) : " Nuestra Ma- 
rina Militar." Su Organizacion y Campanas durante la guerra 
de la Independencia. Valparaiso, 1910. 

Other references will be found in the text. 

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who had formerly served in the United States navy, 
and who had arrived at Buenos Aires from Baltimore 
on the ship "Clifton" on the 9th of February, 18 17, 
was killed in the attack by General Las Heras at 
Talcahuano on December 6th, 181 7. The other, as 
we have seen, was Freeman Oxley, who was a lieu- 
tenant in the Chilean navy. 

Daniel Carson, who had formerly been a lieutenant 
in the United States navy, and who came out with 
Eldridge on the ''Clifton," was wounded at the attack 
on Talcahuano, at the time when Eldridge was 
killed. He afterward commanded a company of 
marines in Lord Cochrane's descent on Guayaquil, 
which occured on November 25th, 1819. Lieutenant 
Manning was also wounded in the same attack on 
Talcahuano, and Ezekiel Jewett and William Ken- 
nedy also served in the Chilean navy. The brothers 
Paul and William Delano, who came from Massa- 
chusetts, and whose descendants have played such a 
noteworthy and prominent part in the history of Chile, 
both served in the Chilean squadron during the war 
for independence, apparently entering it in July, 
18 19, and William Delano was one of the three 
United States officers who accompanied General San 
Martin to Peru from Chile in August, 1820, com- 
manding the transports in that expedition. He also 
took a prominent part in the Peruvian campaign of 
that year and the next. On July 22nd, 18 13, Cap- 
tain Henry Ross, a United States engineer, was de- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

dared to be "benemerito de la Patria" by the Chilean 
Government. 

We have alluded in a previous chapter to Samuel 
B. Johnston, who arrived at Valparaiso on November 
2 1 St, 1811, after a voyage of one hundred and twenty- 
two days from New York in the ** Galloway," with the 
printing-press from the United States. Johnston's 
Chilean experiences are detailed in a fascinatingly 
adventurous style in a book published by R. I. Curtis 
at Erie, Pa., in 18 16, which is probably the first book 
published in the United States of America relating 
to Chile. It is entitled *' Letters Written During a 
Residence of Three Years in Chile : containing an 
account of the most remarkable events in the Revolu- 
tionary struggles in that Province, with an interesting 
account of the loss of a Chilean ship, and a brig-of-war 
by mutiny, and the consequent imprisonment and 
suffering of several citizens of the United States, for 
six months, in the dungeons of Callao ; by Samuel B. 
Johnston, formerly in the service of the Patriots." As 
it almost wholly relates to Johnston's services in the 
Chilean navy, as a result of which not merely was 
Chilean citizenship conferred on him, but also the fol- 
lowing letter was addressed to Captain Edward Barne- 
wall, who formerly commanded the brig in question, 
by the Supreme Chilean Junta, it will be considered 
in this chapter. It is noteworthy as showing the 
prominent part played by citizens of the United States 
of America in the earliest days of the Chilean War of 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Independence. The letter in question, which is dated 
December 3rd, 1813, reads as follows: — 

We have received your official communication 
relative to the loss of the ship ** Pearl" and the 
brig "Colt" We are fully convinced that this 
took place in consequence of a treasonable con- 
spiracy, and are also apprized of the hardships you 
have endured in captivity. The country is con- 
vinced of your merit and its representatives are 
deliberating in what manner to reward and dis- 
tinguish those who have labored with fidelity in its 
cause. 

May God preserve you many years. 

Jose Miguel Infante, 
Agustin de Eyzaguirre, 
Jose Ignacio Cienfuegos. 
Talca, December 3, 1813. 

It appears from this book that in April, 181 3, the 
Chilean Government purchased the United States 
armed brig ''Colt," which mounted eight long twelve- 
inch guns, ten nine-pound cannonades, two long six- 
inch guns and two swivels. She had a crew of ninety 
men, sixteen of whom were citizens of the United 
States of America. Their names and ranks were : 
William Barnet, sailing master; Samuel Dusenbury, 
midshipman; Timothy Chase, master's mate, of the 
** Pearl"; Henry Heacock, master's mate; John S. 
Waters, carpenter ; Peter N. Hanson, gunner ; John 
Heck, interpreter; Henry Smith, seaman; William 
McKoy, seaman; Sevelo Denton, seaman; James 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Dawmas, seaman ; Moses Pierce, seaman ; Le Roy 
Laws, seaman ; Willis Forbes, seaman ; Jeremiah 
Green, seaman ; Frederick Rasmonson, seaman. 

Her former chief officer, who was placed in com-' 
mand of her, was also a citizen of the United States 
of America, named Edward Barnewall. Johnston 
himself was commissioned as "Teniente de Fragata," 
first lieutenant in the Chilean navy. The "Colt" was 
ready for sea on April 26th, but was treacherously 
captured by Spaniards from Peru, which was still held 
by Spain, on May 2nd, and her crew were held in cap- 
tivity until their release by a decree of the Viceroy, 
Pezuela, of September 13th, 181 3. On November 
6th, 18 1 3, they returned to Valparaiso, and Johnston 
reached Santiago on December 8th, 18 13. He left 
Chile in the ** Essex Junior" on April 27th, 1 8 14, 
having had Chilean citizenship conferred on him in 
the previous month. As we have already seen, the 
"Colt" was back in Valparaiso when Admiral Porter 
arrived there on March 15th, 18 13. 

In Argentina we find Dr. Franklin Rawson, of 
Essex County, Massachusetts, rendering important 
services in the war for independence. He was the 
father of the distinguished Dr. Guillermo Rawson, 
who was in the cabinet of Argentina under President 
Mitre, and for whona the town of Rawson in the 
Patagonian territory of the Chubut is named. 

John Anthony King was born in New York City in 
1803. He arrived at Buenos Aires in 18 17 from Balti- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

more, probably on a vessel sent out thence by the Argen- 
tine commissioner, Aguirre. He was commissioned a 
flag-bearer {bander o) by the Supreme Director, Pueyr- 
reddn, in 1818, and was afterwards promoted to be 
an adjutant and colonel in the Argentine army. He 
took part in the Peruvian and other campaigns, and 
was also captain in the service of Upper Peru in Bo- 
livia. His fascinating book, "Twenty-four Years in 
Argentina," is recommended to all who desire a vivid 
narrative of an interesting period in that great coun- 
try's history. Although John Halstead Coe, of New- 
ark, New Jersey (i 805-1 864), is best known for his 
having been appointed by General Rivera comman- 
der-in-chief of the Uruguayan navy in 1 841, he had 
served since 1826 in the Argentine navy, distinguish- 
ing himself particularly therein in 1827, under that 
gallant Irishman, William Brown. Coe married, on 
July 7th, 1828, at Trinidad, the daughter of the Ar- 
gentine General Balcarce, and had large estates in the 
province of Entre Rios. Coe was the sixth in descent 
from the Puritan immigrant Robert Coe. A dispatch 
from the United States Consul-General John Murray 
Forbes to Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, 
of December 4th, 1820, mentions a Commodore 
Taylor, of Baltimore, in the Buenos Aires service. 

We have already seen that thirty citizens of the 
United States of America accompanied Miranda on 
his expedition to Venezuela in 1806. In the year 
1818 John Daniel Daniels, of Baltimore (1786-1865), 

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became a captain in the Colombian navy, Colombia 
then including what are now the sister republics of 
Venezuela and Ecuador. In 1822 Daniels, who was 
then acting as the agent for the Colombian Govern- 
ment in the United States of America, purchased the 
beautiful corvette "Hercules," built by Mr. Eckford, 
of New York City, in the fall of 1822. He embarked 
from that place for La Guaira on October 2nd, 1822. 
The "Hercules" afterward took the name of "Boli- 
var"; Senora Antonia Bolivar, sister of the Liberator 
Simon Bolivar, came out on her on this voyage, ac- 
companied by her daughter Josephine and son Paul. 
The vessel carried twenty-five thirty-two-pounders, 
such as were then usually carried by the United 
States corvettes, besides two brass twenty-four-pound 
cannon on her forecastle. Her crew consisted of two 
hundred and twenty splendid seamen, principally of 
the crew from the United States frigate "Mace- 
donian," which had been for the preceding three years 
off the west coast of South America, having arrived at 
Valparaiso from Boston on January 28th, 18 19. An 
incident that Henry Hill tells of her encounter with 
Lord Cochrane at Callao in 1820 is worth repeating : — 

When Lord Cochrane was blockading Callao 
with three ships of war, it was reported at Val- 
paraiso that he had said he was able to enforce the 
blockade, and would not allow the "Macedonian" 
or any ship-of-war or merchant ship to enter. 
Captain Downes, U. S. N., commanding the 
" Macedonian," had previously announced his in- 

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tention to sail for Callao on a certain day, and when 
. these reports came to him he with difficulty re- 
strained himself, merely remarking that he should 
leave at the appointed time and should be happy 
to take letters, etc. But he said to me, 'T will tell 
you my plan. If Cochrane attempts to stop me I 
shall, pour a broadside into him, aiming all my 
guns to one point, hoping to sink him at once. 
If I succeed in this, I can easily dispose of the 
other two ships." He sailed on the day set; and 
on approaching Lord Cochrane's ship the "Mace- 
donian" passed her stern, the two commanders 
standing on their respective quarter-decks, speak- 
ing-trumpets in hand, and Lord Cochrane shouted 
"Hope Captain Downes is well." "Thank you; 
left Lady Cochrane well, eight days ago." The 
"Macedonian" then ran under the lee of the 
other ship, backed her topsails, and Captain 
Downes sent his first lieutenant to Lord Coch- 
rane, with his compliments. He then filled away 
and entered the harbor. When the "Mace- 
donian" had anchored. Lord Cochrane sent Cap- 
tain Forster, his flag-captain, who was his brother- 
in-law, with his respects to Captain Downes. Cap- 
tain Forster was somewhat surprised to find that 
the cabins had been removed and a gun placed 
wherever there was room for one, and that the 
men were all at quarters. 

To return to Daniels. In 1845 Venezuela passed 
a law granting him a pension for life. Lieutenant 
Christie, formerly of the United States navy, served 
under him on the "Bolivar" in 1822. It must have 
been about this time that Lieutenant Hawley, of Bal- 

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timore, a brother of Miss Betsey Hawley of that city, 
was also serving in that navy. 

On the 26th day of January, 18 13, the young 
Alexander Macauley, whose family seem also to have 
resided in Baltimore, although he was born in New 
York City, and who had been serving for at least two 
years in the Colombian patriot army, was shot at 
Pasto, Colombia, by the Spanish forces who had 
taken him prisoner. His brilliant victory over the 
Spaniards of Popayan, on April 27th, 181 1, is still 
remembered, and is favorably commented on by 
Colombian historians. A short time thereafter he was 
ordered by the patriot General Cabal to go to the aid 
of President Joaquim Caicedo, who was then im- 
prisoned in Pasto, and after several checks he was 
victorious at Juanambii and Buesaco. By the armis- 
tice of July 26th Caicedo was freed from Pasto, and 
not long afterwards Macaulay won another victory 
over the royalist forces at Calambuco, on August 
1 2th, 181 1. He had the grade of colonel in the 
Colombian army. 

William Yeates and Nathaniel Doolett served in 
the Brazilian navy about the year 1820. 



[138] 



CHAPTER III 

The Wilkes Exploring Expedition in Brazil, Ar- 
gentina, Chile and Peru in i 838-1 839 

ALTHOUGH that sterling Pan-American, John 
JTjL Quincy Adams, had, as early as 1828, while 
President of the United States of America, advocated 
an exploring expedition to the South Seas, it was not 
until May i8th, 1836, that an Act of Congress of the 
United States of America authorized an expedition 
"for the purpose of exploring and surveying in the 
great Southern Ocean in the important interests of 
our commerce embarked in the whale fisheries and 
other adventures in that ocean, as well as to de- 
termine the existence of all doubtful islands and 
shoals, and to discover and accurately fix the position 
of those which lie in or near the track pursued by our 
merchant vessels in that quarter." This expedition 
was the first of its character ever undertaken by the 
United States of America, and its aims were strikingly 
similar to that of Diego de Barrenechea, when he 
sailed forth from Callao, Peru, in September, 1772, to 
Tahiti, under the auspices of the great Peruvian Vice- 
roy Amat y Junient. The interest displayed in her 
sister republics seventy-five years ago by the United 
States of America is shown by the fact that Lieuten- 
ant Charles Wilkes, U. S. N. (i 798-1 877), who was 

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ordered on August nth, 1838, to command the 
squadron on this expedition was instructed to visit 
Rio de Janeiro, Cape Frio, the Rio Negro, Tierra del 
Fuego, and Valparaiso. Possibly their touching at 
these South American points was due to the fact that 
Joel Roberts Poinsett was then Secretary of War of 
the United States of America. Twenty-eight years 
before he had been appointed the first representative 
of the United States of America to Argentina, Chile 
and Peru, and his career in Chile and Argentina has 
been outlined in an article in the Pan-American Bul- 
letin for September, 191 1. 

The journeys of the adventurous Ohioan John N. 
Reynolds in Southern Chile in 1830 and 183 1 had 
much to do with inspiring this expedition. The 
squadron sailed from Norfolk, Virginia, on August 
13th, 1838. It consisted of the sloops of war "Vin- 
cennes" and ''Peacock," the store-ship "Relief," the 
brig "Porpoise," and the tenders "Seagull" and 
"Flying Fish." Many distinguished scientists were 
on board — probably as notable a group as could 
have been sent from the United States of America at 
that time. Dr. Charles Pickering was the naturalist 
of the expedition ; he made important contributions 
to its success, especially by his writings on anthro- 
pology and on the study of the geographical distribu- 
tion of animals and plants, to the latter especially, as af- 
fected by or as evidence of the operations, movements, 
and diffusion of the races of man. A graduate of 

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Harvard University, he was a nephew of the Secre- 
tary of State (Timothy Pickering), who had instructed 
the United States Minister at Lisbon in 1797 to make 
a complete report on Brazil. His nephew, Dr. Charles 
Pickering Bowditch, is an authority on the Mayas of 
Yucatan. 

Horatio Hale was the philologist and ethnographer 
of the expedition. While an undergraduate at Har- 
vard (where he graduated in 1837) he had written a 
small pamphlet on the Algonquin language. His chief 
contribution to the permanent results of the expedi- 
tion was a collection of very valuable material relating 
to the ethnology and dialects of the Patagonian tribes 
- encountered by the expedition. 

But the most distinguished scientist on board was 
James Dwight Dana (1813-1895), who was for over 
forty years SiUiman Professor of Natural History in 
Yale University, and is generally considered one of 
the most renowned men of science of modern times. 
He was president of the National Academy of Sciences 
of the United States of America, and received high 
honors from many European governments. The early 
inspirations he received from his scientific explorations 
and studies in South America may be compared to 
those that aroused the genius of his friend Darwin 
but six years before, and he loved to dwell on the 
impressions that the lofty Chilean and Peruvian Cor- 
dilleras had made on him when he addressed his stu- 
dents at Yale, the university that welcomed Francisco 

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de Miranda, pioneer of South American liberty, in 
1784, and which received the bounty of David C. de 
Forest, who was in Buenos Aires as early as 1807, 
and who died in New Haven in 1824. 

On November 23rd, 1838, the expedition reached 
Rio de Janeiro, whence it sailed January 6th, 1839. 
Captain Wilkes notes that "the Brazilians have a 
strong bias in favor of the United States, and of the 
American Government generally. They think the 
time is coming which will unite the people of this 
continent in a distinct national policy." Captain 
Wilkes notes that Rio de Janeiro had then 250,000 
people, and that in 1835 a saiHng ship had gone from 
New York to Rio de Janeiro in the phenomenal time 
of twenty-nine days. On January 6th, 1839, the ex- 
pedition sailed from Rio, where many interesting 
specimens and much data had been collected; and on 
the 1 8th of January they passed opposite the mouth 
of the Rio de la Plata. On the 25th of the same 
month they were off Carmen de Patagones on the Rio 
Negro, whence they sailed, after exploring the en- 
virons somewhat. They found several citizens of the 
United States of America settled near there, on Feb- 
ruary 3rd. On February 27th the expedition left 
Nassau Bay, and after meeting with very tempestuous 
weather near Cape Horn on April 14th, 1839, the 
''Relief" arrived at Valparaiso; the "Vincennes" 
followed her, reaching that Chilean port on May 15 th, 
1839. Valparaiso then had about 30,000 inhabitants; 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

there were then eighty vessels flying the Stars and 
Stripes engaged in the Chilean trade, and a con- 
siderable number of United States merchants doing 
business there, among whom were Mr. Augustus 
Hemenway, the benefactions of whose family are so 
well known in and near Boston, Massachusetts, who 
had come to Valparaiso in 1830. President Bulnes 
and the great Chilean statesman Portales visited the 
ships and were much pleased with them. Wilkes 
wrote as follows of Valparaiso : "I have had some 
opportunity of knowing Valparaiso, and contrasting 
its present state with that of 1821 and 1822. It was 
then a mere village of straggling ranchos. It has now 
the appearance of a thickly settled town, with a pop- 
ulation of 30,000, five times the number it had then. 
Most of the buildings are of one story, and built of 
sun-dried brick. Santiago contains 60,000 inhabi- 
tants, and is increasing in wealth and population." 

From Valparaiso Dana wrote to his sister Harriet 
on May 29th, 1839: **We left Santiago in a gig for 
the foot of the mountain, which was distant about 
fifteen miles. A ride of two hours brought us to our 
stopping place. Here we procured a guide who was 
accustomed to the route, and, mounting our horses, 
commenced the ascent. Our path at first ran along 
a deep valley, through which a little water was gur- 
gling quietly along ; only a temporary quiet, however, 
as the torrents rush down the gorge with tremendous 
violence during the thawing of the mountain snows. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Winding our way up the sides of the valley, we 
reached an open square, covered here and there with 
a httle shrubbery, along which our route continued 
for an hour or two with little to interest or attract at- 
tention. As we advanced, however, the scenery of 
the mountains increased in grandeur, and the acclivity 
became more steep and difficult for the horses. Our 
ears were often saluted with a noise much resembling 
the watchman's rattle, which, on nearer approach, was 
found to proceed from guanacos, an animal of the 
deer species, which lives on the mountain. After 
about four hours' toilsome ride, we reached the sum- 
mit of an elevated ridge, from which we looked down 
on the surrounding country. It was a most magnifi- 
cent scene — the fertile plains of Santiago, the numer- 
ous mountain ridges surrounding it, and towering 
above all, the Andes, mantled with snow and streaked 
along as far as the eye could reach, make one of the 
most glorious prospects any country can show.* We 
now turned to the right, following the summit of this 
ridge, making a gradual ascent, and in the course of 
half an hour came in sight of the snowy peak we had 
before seen back in Santiago. A valley of about 4,000 
feet separated us from it; and from its bottom this 
peak rose up to a height of at least 8,000 feet, the 
most perfect picture of utter desolation I ever wit- 
nessed. It was a scene that I not only saw, but could 
feel through my whole system — it was so impressively, 
so awfully grand. It appeared like an immense volcano 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

whose fires were but just extinguished. We contin- 
ued in sight of the peak the remainder of our route. 
At 4 o'clock P.M. we reached the region of snow, and 
a desolate region it was. A few tufty Alpine plants 
were seen where a streamlet was running down the 
valleys — all else was dreary and lifeless. We col- 
lected some of the plants and rocks, and as it began 
to grow dark soon after sundown — about 6 p.m. — we 
early prepared for our night's accommodations. We 
laid down our furs, etc., which we had brought up 
under our saddles, and formed as soft a place as we 
could to rest our bodies — placed the saddles near our 
heads to keep off the winds, and then snugly stowed 
ourselves away under three thick blankets. The winds 
whistled over us by night, and in the morning we 
found ice one-half an inch thick but a few rods off; 
but we were tolerably comfortable and made out to 
get about eight hours' sleep out of the twelve we were 
in bed — between dark in the evening and the next 
morning's dawn. Our poor horses stood up all night 
long without anything to cover them and nothing to 
eat an example of the utter indifference of the Chil- 
eans to the comforts of their animals. We finished 
the small stock of provisions we had with us in the 
morning and commenced our descent on foot, in or- 
der to make collections of specimens along the way. 
Seven hours found us at the foot, and in two more we 
reached Santiago. The trip, though one of exposure, 
had no injurious effects upon my health. Indeed I 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

never felt better than when up the mountain. We 
only reached the limits of perpetual snow. The 
mountains yet rose some four or five thousand feet 
above us. 

•'Santiago is the finest city in Chile, and much the 
largest. It is the residence of all the wealth and 
aristocracy of the country, and some of the houses are 
very beautiful ; the part fronting the street never gives 
any idea of the richness of the building within the 
court." 

From Valparaiso the squadron proceeded to Callao, 
whence it sailed for Tahiti on July 13th, 1839. While 
in Peru many points of interest were visited, includ- 
ing the ruins of Pachacamac ; and Dr. Pickering 
ascended the Andes to a height of 16,000 feet, dis- 
covering a large ammonite near this altitude. Dana 
himself attained the height of 12,000 feet, and writes 
thus of his experience: ''The Andes were the first 
objects we saw on approaching the coast. They form 
the background in the Chilean and Peruvian land- 
scape. The eye climbs mountain beyond mountain 
in the front of the scene, and finally rests on the 
snowy summits of this towering ridge. The general 
character of it was more massy, more even in its out- 
Hne, and unbroken in its surface than my fancy had 
pictured to me. Here and there, however, conical 
peaks tower aloft, and by their wide, turreted shapes 
and columnar structure diversify the character and 
heighten the grandeur of the scene. I made two ex- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

cursions among the Cordilleras, and in one reached 
an elevation of 12,000 feet. I had the pleasure of 
sleeping through a windy night near several acres of 
perpetual snows. Water froze half an inch thick 
within a few feet of us ; but the interest the scene had 
excited, together with a couple of blankets, and a fire 
of Alpine plants, kept us comfortable through twelve 
hours of darkness. These Alpine plants, as they were 
the first I had seen of them, astonished and delighted 
me with their singularities. Although regular flower- 
ing plants, they grow together in the form of a short 
tuft, the whole so hard and the leaves so closely com- 
pacted that the foot struck against them scarcely 
makes more impression than on the adjoining rocks; 
they can prevent in these wintry regions the escape of 
the little heat they originate. One little flower par- 
ticularly attracted my attention, and led my mind up- 
ward to Him whose wisdom and goodness were here 
displayed. It was scarce an inch high and stood by 
itself, here and there one, over the bleak, rocky soil. 
A small tuft of leaves densely covered with down 
above formed a warm repose for a single flower which 
^spread over it its purple petals. I should delight to 
add some of these strange forms of vegetation to Ben- 
jamin's flower-garden. But they lose all their pecu- 
liarities in a warmer climate. Even the hard Alpine 
turf, a few hundred feet below, spreads out and as- 
sumes the forms of the plants of temperate latitudes. I 
find that these mountains are mostly composed of — 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

I was about to transgress. I, however, may state that 
I have been highly interested in the geology of this 
region, and I only regret that I had no opportunity to 
make my observations more extensive by crossing the 
mountains to Mendoza, situated at their eastern foot. 
Dr. Pickering, Mr. Rich and others who were at 
Lima much of the time our vessel remained at Val- 
paraiso, ascended and passed the summit of the Peru- 
vian Andes. They reached an elevation exceeding 
16,000 feet. I will add one fact, as the knowledge of 
it by yourself will prove of no injury to the expedi- 
tion ; it is, that Dr. Pickering collected a large am- 
monite near the summit of the Andes at 16,000 feet 
elevation. The existence of extensive deposits of red 
sandstone and accompanying shales in this part of 
the Andes has long been known." 



[148] 



CHAPTER IV 
The Pan-Americanism of Henry Clay 

WHEN on February 9th, 1852, Henry Clay's 
admiring friends presented him with a gold 
medal, at the sunset of his long and useful hfe, on the 
reverse of which were inscribed the dates by which he 
wished to be remembered, the two of the fourteen 
that had the most prominent place were "Spanish 
America, 1822"; and ''Panama Instructions, 1826." 

The visitor to the capitol of the United States of 
America sees hanging in one of the large corridors 
near the meeting-place of the House of Representa- 
tives a large portrait of Henry Clay, with his index 
finger pointing to South America on a large globe of 
the world. It was thus that he wished the future law- 
makers of his country — those who would control its 
destiny — to remember him. 

This is the man to whom the distinguished Argen- 
tine author, Dr. Miguel Cane, in his Introduction to 
the 1905 edition of President Roque Saenz Peiia's 
speeches, says that a statute should be erected in every 
South American capital; and that his name — the 
name of the ''noble and kind-hearted Clay" — should 
be on one of the streets in Buenos Aires. 

Let us see on what actions these fellow Pan- 
Americans, six thousand miles away, base their regard 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

for the great Kentuckian who has been dead, but not 
forgotten, for sixty-five years. 

On January 29th, 18 16, while the South American 
wars for independence were raging, Henry Clay, who 
was then Speaker of the House of Representatives of 
the United States of America, opposed, in a long 
speech, the reduction of the taxes imposed as a con- 
sequence of the War of 18 12, because, among other 
reasons, the United States might have openly "to take 
part with the patriots of South America." Nearly a 
year later, on January 24th, 18 17, he vigorously op- 
posed a bill intended to stop the fitting out of armed 
cruisers in the United States ports, on the ground 
that it might be disadvantageous to the South Amer- 
icans, who were still nobly maintaining their struggle 
for freedom. On December 3rd, 18 17, the day be- 
fore the U. S. frigate "Congress" sailed for Buenos 
Aires with Commissioners Graham, Bland and Rodney 
on board. Clay offered a motion in the House, which 
was accepted without opposition, instructing the com- 
mittee on the President's message to inquire what was 
necessary to secure the South Americans their rights 
as belligerents. 

But it was on March 24th, 18 18, that his soundest 
and most historically Pan-American speech was de- 
livered in the House of Representatives, — when he 
besought the aid of the United States for their fellow- 
Americans, for "eighteen milHons of people struggling 
to burst their chains and be free." The nature of 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

thig classic oration can be judged from the following 
extract therefrom : — 

In the establishment of the independence of 
Spanish America, the United States have the 
deepest interest. I have no hesitation in assert- 
ing my firm belief that there is no question in the 
foreign policy of this country which has ever arisen, 
or which I can conceive as ever occurring, in the 
decision of which we had or can have so much at 
stake. This interest concerns our politics, our 
commerce, our navigation. There can not be a 
doubt that Spanish America, once independent, 
whatever may be the form of the governments 
established in its several parts, these governments 
will be animated by an American feeling and 
guided by an American policy. They will obey 
the laws of the New World, of which they will 
compose a part 

We are their great example. Of us they con- 
stantly speak as of brothers, having a similar 
origin. They adopt our principles, copy our in- 
stitutions, and in many instances employ the very 
language and sentiments of our revolutionary 
papers. ^ 

But it is sometimes said that they are too 
ignorant and too superstitious to admit of the ex- 
istance of free government. This charge of igno- 
rance is often urged by persons themselves 
actually ignorant of the real condition of that 
people. I deny the alleged fact of ignorance ; I 
deny the inference from that fact, if it were true, 
that they want capacity for free government; and 
I refuse assent to the further conclusion, if the 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

fact were true, and the inference just, that we are 
to be indifferent to their fate. All the writers of 
the most established authority, Depons, Hum- 
boldt, and others, concur in assigning to the peo- 
ple of South America, great quickness, genius, and 
particular aptitude for the acquisition of the exact 
sciences, and others which they have been allowed 
to cultivate. In astronomy, geology, mineralogy, 
chemistry, botany, and so forth, they are allowed to 
make distinguished proficiency. They justly boast 
of their Abzate, Velasques and Gama, and other 
illustrious contributors to science. They have 
nine universities, and in the City of Mexico, it is 
affirmed by Humboldt, that there are more solid 
scientific establishments than in any city even in 
North America. I would refer to the message of 
the Supreme Director of La Plata [Pueyrredon] as 
a model of composition of a State paper, chal- 
lenging the comparison with any, the most cele- 
brated, that ever issued from the pens of Jefferson 

or Madison 

We may safely trust to the daring enterprise 
of our merchants. The precious metals are in 
South America, and they will command the articles 
wanted in South America, which will purchase 
them. Our navigation will be benefited by the 
transportation, and our country will realize the 
mercantile profits. Already the item in our ex- 
ports of American manufactures is respectable. 
They go chiefly to the West Indies and to South 
America, and this item is constantly augmenting. 

How clearly the allusions in this speech show 
Clay's carefully concise study of Latin- American his- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

tory and conditions ! Joaquin Velasques (July 21st, 
1732-March 6th, 1786) was one of the most distin- 
guished of the many noted astronomers whom Mexico 
has produced. He was the author of many valuable 
works on Mexican and Californian natural history and 
mineralogy. His astronomical observations in Cali- 
fornia, which are among the very first in that part of 
the world, where the great Lick observatory now con- 
tinues his labors, are especially noteworthy in view of 
his observations of the transit of Venus on June 5th, 
1769. His labors in connection with the typograph- 
ical and geodetic survey of the Valley of Mexico, with 
whose superintendence he was charged in 1774, are 
the basis of all the excellent systems of surveys for 
which our sister Republic of Mexico is noted. In 
1783 he estabhshed in Mexico the first schools of 
mines in North America. 

But Henry Clay's efforts did not stop with his 
speech. On May 20th, 1820, he introduced a motion 
in the House of Representatives to inaugurate diplo- 
matic intercourse with "any of the governments in 
South America which have established and are main- 
taining their independence of Spain." It passed by 
a vote of eighty to seventy-five. On February 6th, 
1 82 1, Clay secured the passage of a resolution by the 
House of Representatives "That the House of Repre- 
sentatives participate with the people of the United 
States in the deep interest which they feel for the 
Spanish Provinces of South America, which are strug- 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

gling to establish their liberty and independence, 
and that it will give its constitutional support to 
the President of the United States whenever he 
may deem it expedient to recognize the sovereignty 
and independence of the said Provinces"; the first 
clause of this important legislative decision being 
passed by a vote of one hundred and thirty-four to 
twelve, and the second by a vote of eighty-seven to 
sixty-eight. 

As a result of this action, President Monroe sent a 
special message to Congress on March 8th, 1822, and 
"A resolution to establish foreign intercourse with the 
independent nations of South America" was passed 
by a vote of one hundred and fifty-nine to one. This 
measure became a law on May 4th, 1822; and on 
June 20th, 1822, Secretary of State John Quincy 
Adams proposed to President Monroe that the mis- 
sion of the United States of America to the RepubHc 
of Colombia should be offered to Henry Clay. He 
informed the President that "The Republic of Colom- 
bia, and particularly Bolivar, with whom Clay has 
been in correspondence, will be flattered by his ap- 
pointment, or even by information that he had the 
offer of it. In relations to be established between us 
and that RepubHc, Mr. Clay's talents might be highly 
useful"; and the President appeared to be well dis- 
posed toward this suggestion. An important event 
in Pan-American history had occured the day before 
which rendered it imperative that the mission of the 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

United States to the sister Repubic of Colombia, in 
whose beautiful city of Bogota the patriot Antonio 
Narino had portraits of Franklin in his house as early 
as 1793, should be filled as soon as possible. It was 
on June 19th, 1822, that the first formal act of recog- 
nition of the South American Government took place, 
when Secretary Adams presented Mr. Samuel Torres iM (A i..^>vA^ 
to President Monroe as Charge d' Affaires from the 
Republic of Colombia, at the White House. Mr. 
Adams notes in his diary that "Torres was deeply 
affected by it. He spoke of the great importance to 
the RepubHc of Colombia of this recognition, and of 
his assurance that it would give extraordinary gratifi- 
cation to Boh van" 

It was certainly gratifying to President Monroe. 
He invited Torres, who was then very ill (he died in 
Philadelphia on July 15th, 1822, in great distress), to 
be seated, sat down by him, and spoke to him with 
kindness, ** which moved him even to tears." He 
assured him of the great interest taken by the United 
States in the welfare and success of his country, and 
of the pecuhar satisfaction with which he received him 
as its representative. 

On this very 19th of June a letter was written to 
Henry Clay by Captain Eugenio Cortes, of the Mexi- 
can navy, which shows how he was regarded in 
Mexico, enclosing one from the Emperor Agustin de 
Iturbide, which shows how Clay was regarded in 
Latin America. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

A year later we find a similar Pan-American mani- 
festation in the following letter written to the Charge 
d' Affaires of the United States of America from the 
House of Representatives of the Republic of Colom- 
bia, eager to show its appreciation of the cooperation 
of one of the most prominent men in the country, 
which the distinguished Ecuadorian Rocafuerte called 
"The Sister Republic of the North": — 

House of Representatives, 

Bogota, April 25, 1823. 

To Mr. C. S. Todd, Charge d' Affaires : 

The House of Representatives has received 
with the most lively sense of gratitude the valuable 
present [an engraved portrait of Henry Clay] you 
have had the goodness to offer. It duly appreciates 
the generous sentiments manifested in the ad- 
dress with which you accompanied it ; sentiments 
very worthy of the country of Washington and 
Franklin. 

The House will not fail to pay that profound 
tribute of respect which is due to the Honorable 
Henry Clay, the intrepid advocate of the cause of 
Colombia; and while it reserves to itself the oc- 
casion of manifesting in a more conspicuous man- 
ner the high esteem of which he is worthy, you 
will condescend to communicate to him the wishes 
which the House cherishes for the prosperity of 
the United States. 

God guard you. 

[Signed] Domingo Caycedo, 

President of the House. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

It was at this time that engraved portraits of Henry 
Clay, with extracts from his speeches advocating 
South American indenendence, were scattered broad- 
cast about the leading cities and towns of South 
America. One of these, published in Buenos Aires, 
now hangs on the walls of the United States Embassy 
in that beautiful Argentine capital. 

When Henry Clay became Secretary of State of the 
United States of America in March, 1825, a broader 
sphere of Pan-American activity was presented to 
him. His zeal to promote the brotherhood of the 
Am.erican nations had now wider opportunities, and 
his responsibility was great in furthering what must 
be regarded as one of the main purposes of his useful 
and constructive life. His efforts to make the Con- 
gress of Panama in 1826 a success from a truly Pan- 
American point of view are typical of his sustained 
interest, which marks him as the precursor of James 
G. Blaine, Joaquim Nabuco, and many other great 
Pan-Americans, whose happy influence leads us to 
follow and imitate them. 

As soon as the intention of Simon Bolivar — who, 
as we have seen, greatly admired Clay — to hold this 
first parliament of all the Americas, which had been 
urged as early as 1 8 10 by Juan Martinez de Rosas in 
Chile, by the Mexican Mier, in 1812, and by the Junta 
of Caracas in Venezuela, and had since been pro- 
moted by San Martin and Unanue in South and Valle 
in Central America, became known to him, he bent all 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

his official and personal energies toward that end. As 
the historian Schouler says, "His zeal won President 
John Quincy Adams's favor to the plan and dissolved 
the doubts of his fellow-advisers." Not all of them 
could have doubted ; Rush, the Secretary of the 
Treasury, had been most Pan-American in his con- 
duct as United States Minister to England ; and At- 
torney-General William Wirt had expressed himself as 
the friend of his fellow-Americans. Clay frequently 
consulted with Senor Obregon, the Mexican Minister, 
as well as with Senor Salazar, the Colombian Minister, 
and the other Latin-American representatives in Wash- 
ington, including General Carlos de Alvearfrom Buenos 
Aires — to whom, by the way, the first special passport 
ever issued by the State Department was granted. 

In 1827 the young Fernando Bolivar, nephew and 
ward of the great Liberator, who had had him edu- 
cated in the United States of America, at German- 
town, Pennsylvania, and at the University of Virginia, 
was introduced by Judge Peters to Henry Clay. 
Forty-six years later he noted in his Reminiscences 
the impressions that Clay's tall, slender and impres- 
sive figure and penetrating blue eyes made on him. 
We can be very sure that when Fernando returned to 
Bogota, where his illustrious uncle was then living, he 
told him of his meeting with this great Pan-American ; 
and, as Bolivar and Clay had long been in correspon- 
dence, any news direct from the North must have 
been doubly agreeable to the great caraqueno. 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

It is not generally known that, in his efforts to have 
as important a delegation as possible from the United 
States at that momentous gathering, he urged Albert 
Gallatin, one of the most distinguished citizens of the 
United States, who had been for thirteen years Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, and was soon afterward appointed 
Minister to England, to be one of the representatives 
of the United States of America at Panama. Galla- 
tin's reply to Clay's offer of this mission, written on 
November 14th, 1825, breathes the Pan-American 
spirit: — 

No one can be more sensible than I am, both 
of the importance of laying the foundation of a 
permanent friendship between the United States 
and our sister Republics, and of the distinguished 
honor conferred on the persons selected to be the 
representatives of our glorious and happy country 
at the first Congress of the Independent Powers 
of this Hemisphere 

Secretary Clay was very careful to choose able and 
distinguished men for all of his Latin-American ap- 
pointments. Poinsett and Forbes, at Mexico and 
Buenos Aires, were among the best-trained diplo- 
matists of the United States of America; William 
Henry Harrison, who was sent to Bogota, was after- 
ward President of the United Stares of America; 
Condy Raguet, at Rio de Janeiro, came of a well- 
known Philadelphia family, and was himself prominent 
(a beautiful piece of furniture given him by Dom Pedro 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

ly of Brazil, now in the possession of the family of the 
writer, shows how he was appreciated in that great 
Portuguese-speaking country); William Tudor, at 
Lima, was a prominent merchant and first editor of 
the North Amertca?i Reviezv, who afterward died as 
United States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro in 
1830; and Herman Allen, in Chile, was an able Ver- 
mont lawyer, whose talents were needed on the busy 
west coast. 

It is a beautiful and inspiring touch of the many- 
sided character of Henry Clay, that so much of his 
public service should have been so inspired by Pan- 
Americanism. 



[160] 



CHAPTER V 
The Pan-American Origin of the Monroe Doctrine 

SO much has been written regarding the origin of 
the Monroe Doctrine and on the supposed effects 
of the various causes contributing to its origin, toward 
its application at various times to different situations, 
that the only excuse that can be offered for discussing 
this phase of it must be to cover it from some fresh 
point of view. 

The distinguished Peruvian diplomatist and author, 
Dr. Anibal Maiirtua, on page 20 of his book "La Idea 
Panamericana y la cuestion de Arbitraje," published 
in Lima in 1901, refers to President Monroe's message 
of December 2nd, 1823, announcing the Monroe 
Doctrine, as a ''Pan-American Declaration." The 
great Argentine international jurist, Carlos Calvo, 
called it "declaratory of complete American inde- 
pendence," and the Peruvian author, Carlos Arenas y 
Loayza, states in his excellent monograph on the 
Monroe Doctrine, published in Lima in 1905, that 
"the Monroe Doctrine is linked with our past and 
with our present, and gives us the key of the future 
of these republics, considered in relation to the events 
of our times and the indications of the future ; which 
republics, extending over the same continent, form 
one sole body, are called on to have one and the same 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

spirit, and to work in accord, in edifying friendship 
for justice and peace on earth." 

Whence comes this Pan-American nature of the 
Monroe Doctrine? It comes from its Pan-American 
origin. 

In the instructions of Secretary Monroe to Alex- 
ander Scott, agent of the United States of America to 
Venezuela, dated May 14th, 181 2, we find the follow- 
ing statement: — 

The United States are disposed to render to the 
Government of Venezuela, in its relations with 
foreign Powers, all the good offices that they may 
be able. Instructions have been already given to 
their Ministers at Paris, St. Petersburg, and Lon- 
don, to make known to those Courts that the 
United States take an interest in the independence 
of the Spanish Provinces. 

The next link in the chain occurs in July, 1821, 
two years and six months before the famous Doctrine 
was actually issued, in a dispatch from Mr. Thomas 
L. L. Brent, American Charge d' Affaires at Madrid, 
to the Secretary of State, dated July lOth, 1821 : — 

As far as I have been able to form an opinion, 
it is, that the foreign Powers during the agitation 
of the American question, have endeavored to 
prevent any arrangement between the parties. 

On the 9th of July Mr. Brent had an interview with 
Mr. Ravenga, one of the commissioners of Bolivia, at 
Mr. Ravenga's request: — 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

He calculated, he said, upon the friendship of 
. the United States to promote the independence 
of the Republic of Colombia; he had a full con- 
viction that he could rely upon it Mr. Monroe, 
when Secretary of State, had informed him that 
all the Ministers of the United States in Europe 
had instructions to advance the acknowledgment 
of their independence by foreign Powers. 

I sympathized with him in the unpleasant situa- 
tion in which he was placed, and feared that the 
sentiment in Spain was not as favorable as could 
be desired. He was perfectly justified, I said, in 
relying upon the good dispositions of the United 
States. It was their interest and their sincere 
wish that the acknowledgment of the independence 
of South America should be accelerated. The 
United States had not only been more forward 
than any other Power in publishing to the world 
their wishes with respect to her, but had accom- 
panied them with actions, which certainly afforded 
the best proof of their sincerity, and among them, 
I adverted to the message of the President to the 
Congress of the United States at the commence- 
ment of its last session, in which, alluding to the 
proposed negotiation between the late colonies 
and Spain, the basis of which, if entered upon, 
would be the acknowledgment of their independ- 
ence, he says : '*To promote that result by friendly 
-counsels, including Spain herself, has been the 
uniform policy of the Government of the United 
States." 

The friendship of the United States, he said, was 
very grateful to the RepubHc of Colombia, and he 
hoped and expected that, at the commencement of 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

the next meeting of Congress, the acknowledg- 
ment of its independence would be decided upon; 
the moment had arrived when all the Powers of 
the world would see the propriety of it. He cal- 
culated that the United States would be the first to 
take this step ; hoped to see a confederacy of re- 
publics through North and South America, united 
by the strongest ties of friendship and interest, 
and he trusted that I would use my exertions to 
promote the object he so much desired. 

I heartily concurred with him in the hope that 
all governments would resolve to adopt a measure 
so conformable to justice ; joined with him in the 
agreeable anticipations of the progress of free 
principles of government, of the intimate union 
and brilliant prospects of the states of our new 
world. I presumed, I said, it was not necessary 
to bring to his mind the high interest felt by the 
United States in their welfare — an interest in 
which I deeply participated, and desired, as much 
as he possibly could, the happiness of our Spanish- 
American brethren. What would be the deter- 
mination of the United States at the period of the 
commencement of Congress, it was impossible for 
me to forsee : whether they would consider it a 
seasonable moment for doing that which was so 
much desired, was a point I could not resolve. 

Six months later a request came from the first 
Latin-American Minister ever received by the United 
States of America, Manuel Torres, of Colombia (see 
the previous chapter, on the ''Pan- Americanism of 
Henry Clay"), for the United States to announce the 
Monroe Doctrine : — 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The glory and the satisfaction of being the first 
to recognize the independence of a new republic 
in the south of this continent belongs, in all re- 
spect and considerations, to the Government of 
the United States. The present political state of 
New Spain requires the most earnest attention of 
the Government of the United States. There has 
occurred a project, long since formed, to establish 
a monarchy in Mexico, on purpose to favor the 
views of the Holy Alliance in the New World ; 
this is a new reason which ought to determine the 
President of the United States no longer to delay 
a measure which will naturally establish an Amer- 
ican Alliance, capable of counteracting the projects 
of the European Powers, and of protecting Re- 
publican institutions. My Government has entire 
confidence in the prudence of the President, in 
his disposition to favor the cause of liberty and 
of the independence of South America, and his 
great experience in the management of public 
business. — [i/th Congress, ist Session, No. 327 — 
Manuel Torres to the Secretary of State, Philadel- 
phia, November 30th, 1821.] 

It will be noted that this was written over two years 
before the Monroe Doctrine was actually declared on 
December 2nd, 1823. 

The following extract from an instruction from Sec- 
retary of State John Quincy Adams to the first United 
States Minister to Colombia, Richard C. Anderson, 
dated May 27th, 1823, six months before the decla- 
ration of the Monroe Doctrine, continues the trend 
of events : — 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

The Colombian Government, at various times, 
have manifested a desire that the United States 
should take some further and active part in ob- 
taining the recognition of their independence by 
the European Governments and particularly by 
Great Britain. This has been done even before it 
was solicited. All the Ministers from the United 
States in Europe have been instructed to promote 
the cause, by any means consistent with propriety, 
and adopted to their end at the respective places 
of their residence. The formal proposal of a con- 
certed recognition was made to Great Britain 
before the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. At the re- 
quest of Mr. Torres, on his dying bed, and signi- 
fied to us after his decease, Mr. Rush was instructed 
to give every aid in his power, without offense to 
the British Government, to obtain the admission of 
Mr. Ravenga [see Mr. Brent's dispatch regarding 
Mr. Ravenga, printed above]; of which instruc- 
tion, we have recent assurance from Mr. Rush that 
he is constantly mindful. Our own recognition, 
undoubtedly, opened all the ports of Europe to 
the Colombian flag, and your mission to Colom- 
bia, as well as those to Buesnos Aires and Chile, 
cannot fail to stimulate the cabinets of maritime 
Europe, if not by the liberal motives that in- 
fluenced us, at least, by selfish impulse, to a di- 
rect, simple and unconditional recognition. We 
shall pursue this policy steadily through all the 
changes to be foreseen, of European affairs. 
There is every reason to believe that the pre- 
pondering tendency of the war in Spain will be 
to promote the universal recognition of the South 
American Governments, and, at all events, our 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

course will be to promote it by whatever influence 
• we may possess. 

In this connection the following extract from a let- 
ter from Lafayette to Henry Clay, dated December 
29th, 1826, is interesting : — 

How do you find Mr. Canning's assertion in the 
British Parliament, that he, Mr. Canning, has 
called to existence the new Repubhcs of the 
American Hemisphere? when it is known by what 
example, what declaration, and what feelings of 
jealousy the British Government has been dragged 
into a slow, gradual, and conditional recognition 
of that independence.— [Vol. IV, page 155, Works 
of Clay, 1856 edition.] 

From the foregoing it will be deducted that — 
(i) The South Americans asked for the Monroe 
Doctrine ; 

(2) Their doing so gave it, from its inception, a 
Pan-American nature; 

(3) Their asking for it furnishes an additional argu- 
ment for its purely American, as contrasted with its 
supposedly Americo-British, origin. 

(4) Such early action on the part of Latin America 
should not be lost sight of in present-day applications 
of the Monroe Doctrine. 

The following quotation from a pamphlet published 
in 1902 by the late William L. Scruggs, formerly 
United States Minister to Colombia and Venezuela, 
supports the foregoing sentiments of Lafayette : — 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

It has been said and repeated often enough to 
gain some degree of credence, that the first sug- 
gestion of the Monroe Doctrine had an European 
origin. The claim is that the British Premier Mr. 
Canning suggested it to Mr. Rush, during their 
personal conference in September, 1823, relative 
to the designs of the so-called " Holy Alliance " 
upon the newly enfranchised Spanish-American 
republics. 

The absurdity of this claim is too manifest for 
serious consideration. In the first place, the Can- 
ning-Rush conference did not take place until two 
months after the date of Mr. Adams' note to Mr. 
Rush nor until a month and a half after Mr. 
Adams' oral declarations to the Russian Minister. 
Hence the impossibility that the suggestion could 
have come from Mr. Canning and at the time and 
place indicated ; and it has never been intimated, 
much less asserted, that it came from him at any 
time prior to that. In the second place, we have 
Mr. Canning's own words in refutation of the claim 
which, in the absence of rebutting evidence, ought 
to be conclusive. In a letter addressed to the 
British Minister at Madrid, dated December 21st, 
1823 (see Stapleton's ** Canning and His Times," 
P- 395» Wharton's Digest, Sec. 57), he uses this 
language: "Monarchy in Mexico and Brazil could 
cure the evils of universal democracy, and prevent 
the drawing of a demarcation which I most dread — 
America versus Europe." 

And further on, in the same letter, speaking of 
his conference with Mr. Rush he says: "While I 
was yet hesitating, in September last, what shape 
to give the proposed declaration and protest 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

[against the designs of the Holy AlHance], I 
sounded Mr. Rush, the American Minister here, as 
to his powers and disposition to join in any step 
which we might take to prevent a hostile enterprise 
by European powers against Spanish America. 
He had no powers ; but he would have taken upon 
himself to join us if we would have begun by 
recognizing the independence of the Spanish- 
American States. This we could not do, and so 
we went on without. But I have no doubt that 
his report to his Government of this sounding, 
which he probably represented as an overture, had 
something to do in hastening the explicit declara- 
tion of the President." 

This letter, it will be observed, was written nine- 
teen days after the date of Mr. Monroe's message 
to Congress. 

The point is that Mr. Canning deliberately 
placed himself on record as opposed to the Doc- 
trine enunciated in both the message and the note, 
and hence could not have inspired either. 



[169] 



CHAPTER VI 

Diversions in Euscaran : A Study in Persistently 
Influential Heredity 

IT IS a strange language, this Euscaran, or Basque ; 
by far the most unique and distinctly interesting 
of all the twenty-eight tongues in which one may 
telephone in this great cosmopolitan city of Buenos 
Aires. But it is stranger still, when we come to study 
the Spanish settlement and colonization of the New 
World, called America, how these same Basques, who 
comprise only three per cent of the population of 
Spain and who have never occupied more than one 
and one-half per cent of its area since Spain has 
become a united kingdom, should have been to all 
Spanish America what the Dorian hive was to Greece, 
or New England to the United States of America. 
For they stretch from California to Cape Horn ; and 
we find the Basque Elisa active in the Spanish settle- 
ment at Nootka Sound in 1789, which was as far 
north as the Spaniards ever tried to settle. There 
have been French Basques enough in Canada itself; 
but that is another story. 

Not very long ago the governor of the northern- 
most Mexican province, and the mayor of Punta 
Arenas in Chile, the southernmost city in the world, 
were Basques ; and it is only thirteen years since three 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Basques were, all at one and the same time, presidents 
of the Argentine Republic, Chile, and Uruguay, — 
Uriburu, Errazuriz, and Idiarte Borda. This coinci- 
dence nierely repeated what had happened about one 
hundred years before, when Mendinueta was Viceroy 
of New Granada at the same time that Azanza was 
Viceroy of Mexico. As regards the explorers and 
discoverers, both Buenos Aires and Montevideo were 
founded by Basques, Juan de Garay and Pedro de 
Zavala; La Rioja and Jujuy were both founded by 
another Basque, Juan Ramirez de Velasco ; Pascual 
de Andagoya was the first governor of the city of 
Panama; and Martin de Zubieta explored the Straits 
of Magellan in 1581. Long before this, Magellan's 
second in command, Sebastian d' Elcano, the first 
captain to round the world, also came from the Basque 
provinces. Martin Garcia de Loyola, a cousin of the 
great Basque theologian Ignatius de Loyola, who 
founded the Jesuit order, married a niece of the last 
Inca of Peru ; Echegoyen was a colonial administrator 
in Santo Domingo; while Diego de Ibarra explored 
that part of Mexico which he called Nueva Vizcaya 
for his native land. Remember, also, that Uruguay was 
once called Nueva Vizcaya. The great river Parana 
was first explored and developed by Diego Martinez 
de Irala and his Basques in 1548. 

I really cannot agree with M. JuHen Vinson (though 
what does he not know about the Basques?) when he 
says, **Mais le cerveu des Basques est rebelle aux 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

sciences positives." Perhaps there maybe; but the 
exceptions almost prove the rule. I am wiUing to 
grant that there may have been many Basques — we 
will discuss some of them a little later on — who were 
noted for their literary attainments of various kinds ; 
but nobody can convince me that when this morning's 
paper says that young Inocentio Mendieta, a Cuban 
Basque boy, is looked on with longing eyes by Man- 
ager Clark Griffith for the Washington baseball team, 
that there are not some Basques who are familar with 
one of the greatest of modern positive sciences. 

Again, is not sheep-farming and sheep-raising a pos- 
itive science.? My friend Mr. Onagoity sells about 
3,000 sheep a day to one soulless corporation or 
another; in fact almost all the present meat supply 
that we are drawing from Argentina is handled by 
Basques in one way or another. Ten to one it was 
a Basque shepherd or herdsman that took care of the 
cow or sheep whose meat will soon lie upon the 
breakfast table of the United States public in- general, 
when it roamed in a primitive condition over the pam- 
pas of the Rio Negro or of Buenos Aires province. 

Is not seamanship a positive science? The great 
Spanish admiral Oquendo, prominent in the first half 
of the seventeenth century, and Alava y Navrete, 
famous for his circumnavigation of the globe in 1791, 
as well as Commander Ugarriza of the Argentine 
navy, who superintended the construction of the 
Argentine dreadnaught ''Rivadavia" at Fore River, all 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

of them Basques, were certainly practical sailors. **A11 
is lost save honor," said Francis I of France, when 
taken a prisoner by a Basque soldier, Juan de Urbieta. 

Though the Basque provinces were free from mili- 
tary service until 1876, when they were finally and fully 
incorporated into the rest of Spain, they produced 
soldiers enough in both the Old and the New World. 
Zumalacarregui was the backbone of the CarHst strug- 
gle of 1833-39, while the name of Simon Bolivar — of 
almost pure Euscaran ancestry — needs no comment. 
He was not the only Basque to play a prominent part 
in the Spanish-American War of Independence. Ac- 
cording to the Venezuelan historian Aristides Rojas, 
at least fifty of his Venezuelan companions were 
Basques; while Necochea, Azcuenaga, Larrea, Urdi- 
ninea, Uriondo in Argentina, Zanartu in Chile, Oribe 
in Uruguay, Unanue in Peru, Urdaneta in Venezuela, 
and Iturbide in Mexico, were of the same stock. So 
were many of their opponents, as Iturrigaray, the last 
Viceroy in Mexico, and Goyeneche in Peru. 

Finance is certainly a positive science. The Basque 
Mendizabel was Minister of Finance of Spain ; and, 
while I write, the Secretary of the Treasury of 
the Argentine Republic, Dr. Iriondo, is another, as is 
Dr. Guinazu, the City Treasurer of Buenos Aires. 
More than a fifth of the members of the Chilean 
Chamber of Deputies have Basque names. Three of 
the twelve Argentine presidents since 1853 have been 
Basques. Let us look farther north again. Manuel 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

de Alava was in command when Nootka Sound was 
evacuated on March 23rd, 1795 ; Arrillaga was gov- 
ernor of California, 1783-1814. 

But where are your Montts, your Comonforts, 
your Amats y Junients, your Guiriors, and all the 
rest who came from Catalonia and the ancient and 
very noble kingdom of Aragon? Did they not do 
fully as much in the New World as the Basques? 
Perhaps they did ; but they spread over a very much 
greater area in Spain than did the Basques, they 
had a larger population and area to draw from ; 
and for a long while they had Naples and Sicily to 
develop and play with. We will take them up again 
some day, just as the Estremadura people and the 
Gallegos deserve special mention, to say nothing 
of those from the two Castiles and Leon; but the 
Basques must come first; when people live on a stern 
and rock-bound coast, they generally make their influ- 
ence felt whenever they care to emigrate. 

When you have a people who speak their own lan- 
guage, when everybody about them has had to go to 
the Latin to borrow theirs, and who are proud of this 
unique and highly speciahzed method of expression 
of their own ; who are better in defence than in attack, 
who are willing to take the risk of responsibility of 
being an emperor of the Mexicans or taking charge 
of a few hundred sheep on the lonely pampas, you 
have one of the finest types of the modern pioneer. 
I think St. Francis Xavier was a typical Basque. He 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

stopped at absolutely nothing, he wore himself out to 
Fulfil his life purpose ; yes, he died for it, on a little 
island off the Chinese coast in 1551, just as the four 
Basque priests died by the bedsides of the sick and 
lowly, when the yellow fever came to Buenos Aires 
in 1871. 

Yes, the Basques specialize in cooperatively helpful 
charity. When the first Associated Charities Wcis 
founded in the New World, the Benevolent Society 
of Buenos Aires, on January 2nd, 1823, the vice- 
president, one of the two secretaries, and five of the 
nine members of the executive committee were Basque 
ladies; and the president's mother was a Basque lady. 
It is high time to talk of the noble army of mothers, 
sisters and wives that have sallied forth from Euscaria, 
from the Viceroy's lady stepping down from her 
sedan chair in Lima or entering Bogota in state, to 
Juana, or Isabela, whose husband was but a private 
soldier in the armies of His Most Catholic Majesty. 
I asked my washerwoman the other day if she were a 
Spaniard. *'No, Senor ; I am from the Kingdom of 
Navarre." And the Spanish part of the Kingdom of 
Navarre, whence good old Manuela came, had ceased 
to be a separate political entity exactly four hundred 
years ago. 

You cannot have a language nowadays without a 
literature. We meet with the traces of a Basque 
language first of all very nearly one thousand years 
ago, in A.D. 980. In 1881 the Spanish Jesuit scholar, 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Fita, discovered a twelfth-century manuscript contain- 
ing eighteen Basque words ; and the first Basque book 
was printed in 1545. In 1571 the translation of the 
Prostestant Bible into Basque was ordered by Jeanne 
d'Albret; it was printed at La Rochelle. Not very 
long after we have the first American epic poem — 
the "Araucana of Alonso de Ercilla" — which was 
written by a Basque. Now open your Cotton Mather's 
"Magnalia" and read of the wonder-working provi- 
dences of the Almighty in New England, or of 
Michael Wigglesworth's sweetly cheering words on 
the eternal damnation of infants in his **Day of 
Doom," and tell me if there is anything in the "Arau- 
cania" like that It is dully and drily written in 
, spots, I will admit; but we have flashes of quaint 
beauty throughout. The Basque Pedro de Ona's lit- 
tle sonnet of 1602, to the oldest American university, 
that of the most flourishing university of San Marcos, 
is like some of those old leather-backed chairs you 
can still buy in Cuzco or in the Bolivian highlands ; it 
has a fragrance of prettiness with a shimmer of natural 
affection : — 

Sweet Fountain of Pure Water, so pure that 
thou chantest Victory before the Sun ; with which 
the plants of this Antarctic Vale are bathed with 
Dew, and Sprinkl'd over with Freshness; Thou, 
who raisest thyself to the Sublime Regions, where 
thy drops are holy Stars who by themselves change 
obscurity to Light, — 

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INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

Doubt not indeed, that from the waters clear, 
Of all thy Doctrines, and thine Healthy Rule, 
The Farthest Nations shall take Note and Hear ; 
Since thou a Mark, a Philip too doth know ; 
Which thine unconquerable strength to show 
Are pictured as two Lions on thy Scroll. 

This has not as much swing, perhaps, as some of 

Echevarria's Argentine poems, where he tells of the 

now vanished gauchos, or cowboys, of the pampas 

and plains, — 

Bold Quiroga compelling, 
To stay his rebelling. 
Throughout the glad morning whilst forward they stray. 

Now the language itself of these people of the 
mountainous northeastern corner of Spain is quite 
worth while. Take the root Egui, the truth or justice : 
Seiior Leguia is president of Peru, while Dr. Eguiguren 
is chief justice thereof; Dr. Eguiara is a prominent 
Mexican physician; and Minister Belaustegui intro- 
duced physical training into the Argentine schools. 
Many Basques have tree-names, just as the Japanese 
have : Yanagi the Willow, is a Japanese surname ; and 
we have Salazar and Sarasate, which mean the Willow 
in Basque. There is no general word for animal or tree 
in Basque ; because it is not a selfish language at all ; 
every animal or tree has its own name. Thus, Lizarr 
is the Ash-tree ; Lizarr-aga the Ash-wood ; Zumarr, 
the Elm (as in Zumarraga, etc.); Ur is the Water. 

A great many Basque words begin in Ur. Let us 
analyze a word with Ur in the middle of it, — a four- 

[177] 

13 



INTER-AMERICAN ACQUAINTANCES 

story word with a garret and cellar, — like Asta- 
buruaga, for instance. Asta, or Astur, is the Moun- 
tain-water; Btiru is the Head; and I really forget what 
Aga does mean. To come to land again, Erria or 
Erri is the Land ; Salaverry^ the Willow-land ; Echev er- 
ria, the House and Land, etc. Look at the Belasco 
Theatre. What does Belasco mean? Belia or Velia 
is the Raven. Belasco or Velasco is the Son of the 
Raven. Ochoa or Otsoa, as the old spelling is, is the 
Wolf. They borrow and annex words, too ; look at 
Mendiburu ; Mendi is the Latin Mons^ with the beauti- 
ful Basque Buru attached. And so we could go on 
all night if necessary ; but who really cares to learn to 
read Basque, if the Spanish is printed in the opposite 
column? They all tell us that nobody can learn this 
language ; His Satanic Majesty tried to, and really 
couldn't; but that is what the jealous people from the 
rest of Spain say. 

" Urquidi and Urquiza stay ; while noble in his pain 
Urduna soothes the. bloody wound that pains Urdinarrain ; 
The good Ellauri is gone ; and jocund, gone the strain 
That hung above our weary heads, like as the summer rain 
Gathers and threatens ere descends, sprinkling with fertile 

spray 
The meadow and the valley green, that clothe our Uruguay, 
They turn triumphant to the toil, that beckons them before, 
And holds them with their holy hope, that hears our Hus 

piaur." 



[178] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1807-1826 



1807, Oct. 4 — De Forest writes to Secretary Madison from Bue- 
nos Aires regarding United States interest there. 

1809, Jan. 22— Spanish Royal Decree enacts that Spanish- Amer- 

ican Colonies are an integral part of the Mon- 
archy and can be represented in the Cortes. 

Mar. 7 — Thomas Sumter appointed United States Minister 
to the Portuguese Court at Rio de Janeiro. 

May 25— Royalist Governor deposed at Chuquisaca (Char- 
cas), Bohvia. 

1810, April 10 — Venezuelan insurrection against Spain. 
May 25— Buenos Aires " Cabildo Abierto." 

June II— J. V. Bolivar and Telesforo de Orea leave Vene- 
zuela for the United States. 

June 28— The United States Secretary of State instructs 
an agent, Joel Roberts Poinsett, to visit South 
America, and appoints him agent for commerce 
and seamen at Buenos Aires. 

July 7— Expedition of 1,150 patriots leaves Buenos Aires 
for the interior. 

Aug. 26 — Shooting of Liniers. 

Sept. 18— The Junta de Gobierno proclaimed at Santiago 
de Chile. 

Sept. 24— The Cabildo of Montevideo decrees the founding 
of a newspaper. 

Oct. 27— Defeat of Balcarce at Catagaita. 

Nov. 6— Robert K. Lowry sent as United States Agent to 
Caracas. 

Nov. 7— Argentine victory at Suipacha, under Balcarce. 

Nov. —Arrival of Telesforo de Orea as Venezuelan 
Agent in the United States. 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1810, Nov. 28 — Translation of Jefferson published in Ganeta de 

Buenos Aires. 

181 1, April 30 — Secretary Monroe appoints Louis Goddefroy 

United States Consul for Buenos Aires and the 
ports below it on the River Plate. 

May 14 — Outbreak at Asuncion, Paraguay. 

May 18 — Victory of Artigas, with some Buenos Airean 
forces, over the Royalists at Las Piedras. 

June 20 — Battles of Juraicoragua and Huaqui. 

June 29 — The Infanta Carlota, in a communication to the 
Cortes, complains that the United States En- 
voy (Poinsett) has not ceased to influence the 
Revolution of Buenos Aires. 

July 4 — First Chilean National Congress meets at Santi- 
ago de Chile. 

July 5 — Venezuelan Declaration of Independence. 

July 25 — Arrival of Josd Miguel Carrera in Chile. 

Aug. 13 — Rozas leaves Santiago for Concepci6n, Chile. 

Aug. 14 — " Rules for the Temporatory Organization of the 
Executive in Chile " pubUshed. 

Sept. 4 — Rozas restored to power in Chile ; Supreme 
Court of Justice formed. 

Sept. 23 — Triumvirate established as Executive Authority 
of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata. 

Oct. 7 — It was enacted in Chile that all discussions of 
Congress and all acts of the Government be 
published. 

Oct. 25 — Saavedra and Aguirre arrive in Washington, 
D. C. 

Nov. 5 — President Madison's message to the United States 
Congress, containing his first allusions to South 
American independence. 

Nov. 15 — William Gilchrist Miller recognized as United 
States Vice-Consul in Buenos Aires. 

Nov. 21 — Arrival of " Galloway " from New York at Val- 
paraiso with printing-press for Chileans. 

Dec. I — Interview of Saavedra and Aguirre, from Buenos 
Aires, with Stephen Girard in Philadelphia. 

[180] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1812, Jan. 9 — Interview of Saavedra and Aguirre with Secretary 

James Monroe. 

Mar. 13 — Arrival of San Martin and Alvear and Zapiola in 
Buenos Aires, from Cadiz. 

May 14 — Secretary Monroe issues instructions to Alexan- 
der Scott, Agent to Venezuela. 

May 19 — Arrival of Saavedra and Aguirre at Buenos 
Aires from Philadelphia on the ship " Liberty." 

July 4 — Celebration at Santiago de Chile. 

July 26 — Treaty of Vittoria-Miranda and Monteverde 
(Venezuela). 

Sept. 4 — Rivadavia's decree encouraging emigration to 
Argentina. 

Sept. 26— Victory of Tucuman. 

Oct. 8 — Military mutiny in Buenos Aires. 

1813, Jan. 31 — Argentine Constitutional Assembly meets. 
Feb. 10 — Juan Manuel de Luca officially informs United 

States Vice-Consul Miller at Buenos Aires 
that the Aagentine Government desires to ini- 
tiate "commercial relations of mutual interest" 
with the United States of America. 

Mar. 26 — Royalist Army from Peru under Antonio Pareja 
lands at Talcahuano. 

April I — Carrera reaches Rancagua, accompanied by Mr. 
Poinsett. 

April 4 — Congress of Uruguay meets under Presidency of 
Artigas. 

April 5 — Carrera arrives at Talca. 

April 1$ — Pareja reaches Chilian with 5,500 men. All Chile 
south of Maule under his control. 

April 20 — Chilean victory at Yerbas Buenas. 

May 15 — Battle of San Carlos. 

July 10 — Carrera begins the seige of Chilian. 

July 21 — The Argentine Triumvirate informs President 
Madison of the desirability of a "fraternal al- 
Uance which would truly unite the Americas of 
the North and South forever." 

Aug. 4 — Bolivar enters Caracas in triumph. 

[i8i] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1813, Oct. I — Paraguayan Declaration of Independence ratified. 
Oct. — Defeat of Carrera. 

Oct. 17— Battle of Roble. 

Nov. 27 — Junta replaces Carrera by Belgrano at Vileapujo. 

1814, Jan. 28 — Proclamation of G'Higgins. 
April 5 — Ganeza falls back on Talca. 

June 23 — Montevideo surrenders to Patriot General Carlos 
de Alvear. End of Spanish dominion in River 
Plate. 

Aug. ID — San Martin appointed Governor of Cuyo ; he re- 
sided in Mendoza. 

Dec. — Bolivar appears before Bogota. 

181 5, Jan. 9 — Resignation of Director Posadas at Buenos Aires ; 

Alvear succeeds him. 

Jan. 16 — Portuguese sovereignty takes title of King of 
Portugal, Brazil, and the Algarves. 

Aug. 29 — John C. Zimmermann arrives at Buenos Aires with 
$19,000 worth of military supplies for the Ar- 
gentine Government on the schooner "Kemp'' 
from Baltimore. 

Dec. 6 — Spanish General Morillo occupies Cartegena. 

1816, Jan. 29— Henry Clay asserts in United States House of 

Representatives that the United States may 
have to openly " take part with the patriots of 
South America." 

Jan. 30— Pope Pius VII issues encyclical against South 
Americaa independence. 

Mar. — Maria I dies ; Joao VI succeeds. 

Mar. 25 — Corps of deputies meet at Tucuman. 

July 9 — Argentine Declaration of Independence at Tucu- 
man ; Francia's dictatorship made perpetual in 
Paraguay. 

1817, Jan. 17 — San Martin begins the passage of the Andes with 

3,000 infantry, 1,000 cavalry, 1,600 horses, 900 
mules. 
Jan. 19 — Portuguese take possession of Montevideo. 

[182] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1817, Feb. 9 — United States ship "Clifton" arrives at Buenos 

Aires for the Argentine Government. 

Feb. 12 — Battle of Chacabuco. 

Feb. 14 — San Martin enters Santiago de Chile. 

Feb. 16 — Victory of Bolivar and Paez over Morillo. 
I July 18 — John B. Prevost sent to Chile-Peru as Commis- 
sioner of the United States of America. 

Nov. 21 — United States Consul Halsey is dispatched on 
his visit to Artigas. 

Dec. 2 — President Monroe's message to Congress recog- 
nizes some of the revolting Spanish-American 
countries as belligerents. 

Dec. 3 — Clay's motion to inquire what was necessary to 
secure to the South Americans their rights as 
belligerents. 

Dec. 4 — United States Commissioners Rodney, Graham, 
Bland, and Breckenridge (secretary) sail from 
Hampton Roads in U. S. frigate "Congress" 
for Buenos Aires. 

1818, Jan. I — O'Higgins publishes proclamation of Chilean in- 

dependence. 

Feb. 18 — Independence of Chile proclaimed. 

Feb. 28 — United States Commissioners arrive in Buenos 
Aires. 

Mar. 25 — Henry Clay's speech in the House of Represen- 
tatives to acknowledge South American inde- 
pendence. 

Mar. 26 — Ball given in Buenos Aires for the United States 
Commissioners, Rodney, Bland and Graham, by 
Lynch, Zimmermann & Co. The band played 
the " Washington March." 

April 5— Battle of Maipu, Chile. 

April 24 — Rodney and Graham leave Buenos Aires for the 
United States of America. 

Oct. 28 — Wooster's assault on Talcahuano. 
J Nov. i3 — San Martin's proclamation to the inhabitants of 

■^ Peru, urging the union of Argentina, Chile and 

Peru, and a Central Congress composed of 
their representatives. 

[ 183 ] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1818, Nov. 28 — Lord Cochrane reaches Valparaiso. 

Dec. — Rodney's and Prevost's reports sent to the United 
States Congress. 

1819, Jan. 16 — Cochrane sails from Valparaiso to Callao, Peru. 
Feb. 5 — Tagle-Irissari treaty between Argentina and Chile. 
Feb. 15 — Congress of Angostura. 

Aug. 7 — Battle of Boyaca. 

Dec. 7 — Fundamental law declaring Venezuela and Colom- 
bia to be one state. 

1820, Feb. — Lord Cochrane takes Valdivia. 

May 20 — Henry Clay introduces motion to inaugurate 
diplomatic intercourse with independent South 
American nations. 

Aug. 21 — San Martin and Cochrane sail from Valparaiso. 

Sept. — San Martin lands near Huacho, Peru. 

Nov. 5 — " Esmeralda " captured from Spaniards at Callao . 

Nov. 25 — Armistice at Trujillo, Peru. 

182 1, Feb. 6 — Henry Clay secures passage of resolution that the 

United States feels deep interest for Spanish- 
American Provinces struggling for liberty. 
'- Mar. 20 — Cochrane captures Pisco, Peru. 

June 23— Battle of Carabobo ; Bolivar's victory. 

June 29 — Bolivar enters Caracas. 

July 6 — Patriot army enters Lima, Peru. 

July 9— United States Charge d'Affaires Brent, at Madrid, 
is interviewed there by Ravenga, Bolivia's 
commissioner. 
V July 28 — Peruvian Declaration of Independence. 

Aug. 9 — University of Buenos Aires founded. 

Aug. 30 — Constitution of Colombia adopted. 

1822, Mar. 8 — President James Monroe recommended acknowl- 

edgement of the independence of the South 
American Republics by the United States of 
America. 
V April 22— Rules for elections issued from Peru by San 
Martin. 



[184] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

r> 

722, May 4— South American independence recognized by the 
United States of America. 

May 14— Battle of Pichincha, Ecuador ; Victory of the 
Patriot army. 

May 19 — Iturbide crowned Emperor (Agustin I)of Mexico. 

June 19 — Manuel Torres received by President Monroe as 
Charge d'Affaires from Colombia. 

July II— San Martin arrives at Guayaquil. 

July 27-28— Interview of Bolivar and San Martin at Guay- 
aquil. 

Sept. 7— Independence of Brazil proclaimed. 

Nov. 29— Cochrane resigns his commission in Chilean navy. 

[823, Jan. 18— Cochrane finally sails away from Valparaiso, pro- 
ceeding to Brazil. 

Jan. 27— The United States of America appoints Ministers 
to Mexico, Chile, Colombia, and the United 
Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, thereby 
recognizing those countries' independence. 
\ Feb. 26— Josd de la Riva Aguero appointed President of 
Peru. 

June 8— Cassar A. Rodney sails for Buenos Aires from 
Philadelphia as United States Minister. 

July 16— Brazilian naval victory over the Portuguese, in 
latitude 5 degrees north. 

Aug. I— Brazilian authority permanently established at 
Maranhao,.and soon afterwards at Para. End 
of Portuguese dominion in Brazil. 

Aug. — Rivadavia founds the first agricultural school in 
America on the Recolate estate in Buenos 
Aires. 
\ Aug. 10 — Peruvian Congress bestows on Simon Bolivar the 
title of " Dictator and Liberator of Peru." 

Oct. 24— Ex-President Jefferson writes President Monroe 
that "America, North and South, has a set of 
interests distinct from those of Europe, and 
peculiarly her own." 

Nov. 16— Arrival of. Caesar A. Rodney at Buenos Aires as 
United States Minister. 

[185] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

Nov. 1 8 — Rodney is so recognized by Argentine Govern- 
ment. 

Dec. 2 — President Monroe's message to the United States 
Congress (Monroe Doctrine) containing the 
following statement referring to Latin America : 
" With the governments who have declared 
their independence and maintained it, and 
whose independence we have, on great consid- 
eration and on just principles, acknowledged, 
we could not view any interposition for the 
purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in 
any other manner their destiny, by any Euro- 
pean power, in any other light than as the 
manifestation of an unfriendly disposition to- 
wards the United States." 

Dec. 3 — Carlos de Alvear appointed Argentine Minister 
to the United States. 
\, Dec. 7 — Bolivar issues invitations from Lima to Pan- 
American Congress at Panama. 

1824, Jan. 20 — The King of Spain abolishes the Political Consti- 
tution of the Indies by an edict, thus placing 
affairs exactly as they were in 1820. 

Feb. 3 — Consuls appointed by Great Britain to the free 
Provinces of America — a year after their 
diplomatic recognition by the United States of 
America. 

Feb. 9 — Monroe's message to Congress of December 2, 
1825, printed in the Gaceta Mercantil oi Buenos 
Aires. 

Mar. 25 — Emperor of Brazil (Pedro I) swears to Constitu- 
tion. 

May 6 — The King of Spain issues a declaration that he 
would never consent to the independence of 
his former American colonies, but that he 
would appeal to a Congress of European 
soverigns in regard thereto. 

May 26 — The United States of America recognizes the in- 
dependence of Brazil. 

[186] 



EPITOME OF DATES 

1824, June 10 — Rivadavia's funeral oration over Caesar Rodney, 

the first United States Minister to Argentina. 

Aug. 4— The United States of America recognizes the 
independence of the Central American Fede- 
ration. 

Dec. 9 — Battle of Ayacucho ; Victory of Bolivar over the 
Spaniards. 

Dec. 16 — Constitutional Convention meets at Buenos Aires. 

1825, Jan. I — National Convention meets at Buenos Aires. 
Jan. 23 — National Constitution of Federation of States of 

the Rio de la Plata agreed upon. 

Mar. 6 — Francisco de Paula Santander, President of Co- 
lombia, states that the United States should be 
invited to the Panama Congress " to participate 
in dehberations of common interest to such 
sincere and enlightened friends." 

June — Bolivar visits upper Peru. 

Aug. 25 — Joao VI abdicates crown of Brazil in favor of 
Don Pedro I. 
; Aug. — First Bolivian Congress. 

1826, Jan. II — Chilean assault on battery of San Carlos on 

Island of Chiloe ; Freeman Oxley, a United 
States citizen in the Chilean navy, is killed. 

Jan. 28— Surrender of the last Spanish fortress in South 
America — Callao — to the Peruvians. 

Apr. II — Daniel Webster's speech defending Monroe 
Doctrine. 
j^ May 2 — The United States of America recognizes inde- 
pendence of Peru. 

June 22-July 15 — Pan-American Congress at Panama. 

Sept. — Bolivar leaves Lima. 

Dec. 24 — " Unitario " constitution of Rivadavia adopted by 
Argentina. 



[187] 



